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Independence Day

The Contested Legacy of Kazakhstan’s Independence Day: From Sovereignty to Unrest and Reinvention

On December 16, 2025, Kazakhstan marks the 34th anniversary of its independence. The story of this national holiday mirrors the nation’s own complex path toward sovereignty and statehood. A Difficult Legacy On December 16, 1991, Kazakhstan adopted the Law “On State Independence of the Republic of Kazakhstan,” officially becoming the last Soviet republic to leave the USSR. The date came at the tail end of the so-called “parade of sovereignties,” when other republics had already declared independence. This delay led to a popular saying: “Kazakhstan turned off the lights in the USSR.” In the early years of independence, the holiday was celebrated widely, often with several days off. Yet the date also evokes painful memories. Just five years earlier, in December 1986, the capital city of Alma-Ata (now Almaty) witnessed what are now known as Jeltoqsan köterılısı - the December Events. On December 16, 1986, the Communist Party of Kazakhstan abruptly dismissed First Secretary Dinmukhamed Konaev and replaced him with Gennady Kolbin, a party official from the Russian city of Ulyanovsk with no ties to the republic. This Moscow-imposed decision sparked protests by students and young people that turned violent. While the full causes and consequences remain partially unexplored, the uprising is widely seen as an early expression of resistance to Soviet central control and the imposition of non-Kazakh leadership. The protests were brutally suppressed. For several days, unrest continued in the city, with some incidents fueled by ethnic tensions. In the years since, the December Events have become symbolic of both state repression and the early stirrings of Kazakh nationalism. Because of the proximity of dates, many citizens continue to conflate the date of independence with the December Events. For years, the national holiday was therefore overshadowed by grief and division. Unrest in the Oil Region Independence Day was further marred in 2011 by violent unrest in the oil-rich Mangistau region after months of unresolved labor disputes. On December 16 of that year, striking workers from the OzenMunaiGas company in the town of Zhanaozen clashed with police after demanding higher wages. The protests escalated into riots, with government buildings, hotels, and vehicles set ablaze. ATMs were looted, and a state of emergency was declared. Official figures state that about 20 people were killed and over 100 were injured. The Zhanaozen tragedy underscored deep socioeconomic disparities, particularly in regions rich in resources but lacking infrastructure and basic services. From Old to New Kazakhstan Over time, Independence Day became closely associated with unrest and national trauma. Analysts suggest that full investigations into the December 1986 and 2011 events were hindered by the political legacy of Nursultan Nazarbayev, Kazakhstan’s first president. Nazarbayev held senior posts during the Soviet period and later presided over the country during the Zhanaozen crackdown. In June 2019, Kassym-Jomart Tokayev succeeded Nazarbayev as president and launched a platform of gradual political reform. However, his efforts were reportedly obstructed by entrenched elites aligned with the Nazarbayev era, often referred to as “Old Kazakhstan.” Public discontent boiled over again in January...

Media

Nomad TV: Russia’s Latest Media Venture in Kyrgyzstan

Kyrgyzstan has a new TV station. At first glance, it’s the kind of cozy, local news channel satirized in 2004’s Anchorman. The headline item on December 10th was the fact that it had snowed in Bishkek, with the on-screen reporter treading around the city asking residents whether they felt cold. “Not really,” is the general response, given that plummeting temperatures are hardly a new phenomenon in the Kyrgyz capital. “What kind of precautions did you take against the weather?” the reporter asks one gentleman. “Put on a hat and gloves,” comes the droll reply. This piece is followed by an interview with a representative of the city’s police service, advising people to tread carefully on the icy pavements. Similar soft news items follow: an interview on the progress of Asman eco-city on Lake Issyk Kul; the modernization of a factory in Bishkek; and the announcement of a new coach for the national football team. These are hardly stories to make waves. Indeed, most people in Bishkek are unaware of the new channel’s existence. “It hasn't been a major discussion point; the only presence that I felt is this huge, green box that has been installed on the central square,” Nurbek Bekmurzaev, the Central Asian editor of Global Voices, told The Times of Central Asia, referring to the broadcaster’s temporary studio at the heart of the city. Yet Nomad is one of the best-funded media outfits in the country, offering salaries twice as high as those paid by rival organizations. And, in one form or another, it seems clear that the money is coming from the Russian state. So why has the Kremlin, which is hardly underrepresented in Kyrgyzstan’s media sphere, decided to throw such sums at a local news station? [caption id="attachment_40853" align="aligncenter" width="1600"] Nomad TV’s temporary studio on Ala-Too square in the heart of Bishkek; image: TCA, Joe Luc Barnes[/caption] A Bold Start Nomad’s initial coverage was not so banal. On November 23, the channel began broadcasting with a cascade of high-profile interviews linked to Vladimir Putin’s state visit to Kyrgyzstan on November 25-27. This followed a lavish launch ceremony at the city’s opera house, attended by Russian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman, Maria Zakharova, and the Kyrgyz deputy Prime Minister Edil Baisalov. Putin himself lauded the new channel in his speech on November 26, and gave its chief editor, Natalia Korolevich, an exclusive interview the following day. This followed a feverish autumn, which the broadcaster had spent poaching talent from newsrooms around Bishkek. This included Mirbek Moldabekov, a veteran broadcaster from the state television channel, UTRK; the head of Sputnik in Kyrgyzstan, Erkin Alimbekov; and his wife, Svetlana Akmatalieva, a journalist from the National TV and Radio Corporation. The channel’s producer is Anna Abakumova, a former RT journalist who gained fame reporting from Russian-occupied territories in Ukraine. These aggressive recruitment tactics have split the profession in Kyrgyzstan. Journalist Adil Turdukolov asserted in an interview with Exclusive.kz that anyone who has chosen to work for Nomad “is not particularly concerned with...

Diplomacy

Uzbekistan, Paraguay Deepen Ties During First-Ever Presidential Visit

Uzbekistan and Paraguay have agreed to enhance political and economic cooperation following high-level talks in Tashkent, according to the presidential press service. The meeting between Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev and Paraguayan President Santiago Peña took place at the Kuksaroy residence, with participation from both countries’ official delegations. Mirziyoyev welcomed his counterpart and highlighted the historical significance of the visit, noting it as the first time a president from a Latin American country has traveled to Uzbekistan. The visit is expected to usher in a new era of bilateral relations. The two leaders discussed expanding cooperation across several sectors. Talks focused on increasing mutual trade, strengthening business contacts, and initiating joint projects in agriculture, food production, the chemical industry, digital technologies, tourism, and sports. Cultural, educational, and humanitarian collaboration were also emphasized as priority areas. The sides also exchanged views on international and regional developments. Following the talks, Mirziyoyev and Peña signed a joint statement reaffirming their commitment to strengthening political dialogue and expanding practical cooperation. Uzbek media reported that two additional documents were signed in the presence of the presidents: a protocol concluding bilateral market-access negotiations related to Uzbekistan’s accession to the World Trade Organization, and a memorandum between the foreign ministries to establish a mechanism for political consultations. The meeting concluded with a symbolic gesture. The two presidents planted a tree on the Alley of Honored Guests at the Kuksaroy residence, symbolizing their intention to open a new chapter in Uzbekistan-Paraguay relations.

Neutrality

Turkmenistan Marks 30 Years of Neutrality

On December 12, 2025, Turkmenistan marks the 30th anniversary of a UN decision granting Turkmenistan the status of a neutral country. Defining what “permanent neutrality” means for Turkmenistan is impossible, as it is a flexible term used to justify a range of policies, both domestic and foreign. This vague special status has not provided many benefits, but has helped Turkmenistan’s leadership isolate the country and create one of the most bizarre and repressive forms of government in the world today. Last Item on the Day’s Agenda On Tuesday, December 12, 1995, the UN General Assembly’s (UNGA) 90th plenary meeting reconvened at 15:20 to consider items 57 to 81 on its agenda. Item 81 was the draft resolution on “permanent neutrality of Turkmenistan.” The UNGA president at that time, Freitas do Amaral, noted to the Assembly that the draft resolution “was adopted by the First Committee without a vote,” and asked if the Assembly wished “to do likewise.” The Assembly did, and after a few brief remarks about the next Assembly meeting on December 14, the session ended at 18:05. That is how the UN officially granted Turkmenistan the status of neutrality. A Great Event The passing of the resolution on Turkmenistan’s neutrality status might have been a case of going through the motions at the UN, but it was a huge event in Turkmenistan. Turkmenistan’s first president, Saparmurat Niyazov, had been campaigning internationally for his country to have “positive” neutrality status since 1992. After this was accomplished, Niyazov often proclaimed this special UN recognition as a great achievement for the country and for himself personally. [caption id="attachment_40725" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] Ashgabat’s Independence Square, previously known as Neutrality Square and originally as Karl Marx Square; image: TCA, Stephen M. Bland[/caption] December 12 was quickly announced as a national holiday. On the first anniversary of the UN decision in 1996, the former Karl Marx Square in Ashgabat was renamed “Neutrality Square.” Shortly after, an olive branch motif was added to Turkmenistan’s national flag, symbolizing the country’s neutral status. In 1998, on the third anniversary of UN-recognized neutrality, the 75-meter-high Arch of Neutrality was unveiled in Ashgabat. A 12-meter gold statue of Niyazov that rotated to face the direction of the sun crowned the structure. Niyazov died in December 2006, and in 2010, the Arch of Neutrality was moved from the city center to the outskirts of the Turkmen capital and unveiled again on December 12, 2011. It has been undergoing renovation and will be unveiled yet again on the 30th anniversary of neutrality. [caption id="attachment_40726" align="aligncenter" width="2099"] Former-President Niyazov's likeness atop the Arch of Neutrality; image: TCA, Stephen M. Bland[/caption] In 2002, Niyazov pushed through a law changing the names of the months of the year and days of the week. December became “Bitaraplyk,” the Turkmen word for neutrality, and continued to officially be called that until 2008, when Niyazov’s successor finally revoked the changes and restored the traditional names. That successor, Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, embraced the special permanent neutrality status and, in...

Digitalization

Face Pay, Palm Scans, and AI Cameras: Inside Kazakhstan’s Digital Transformation

Daily life in Almaty, Kazakhstan’s largest city, increasingly resembles scenes from a futuristic film. Subway fares can be paid with a glance, schoolchildren enter campuses by scanning their palms, and traffic flows are monitored by an expansive video surveillance system. With just a smartphone, citizens can apply for a marriage license, open a business, or access official documents within seconds. Kazakhstan has embraced rapid digitalization, positioning itself as a regional leader in GovTech and fintech. Authorities promote this trajectory as a means to create a secure and efficient environment, and the public has largely welcomed it. The country now boasts one of the world’s highest penetration rates for cashless payments and digital services. Yet the swift adoption of emerging technologies has brought new challenges. The digital infrastructure is evolving faster than the country’s legal frameworks can adapt, raising concerns among experts about how to balance technological convenience, public safety, and the right to privacy. Biometric Security or Overreach? Kazakhstan’s biometric systems are being integrated into a growing ecosystem of everyday services. A prominent example is the Alaqan system in schools, which replaces traditional entry cards with palm-scanning technology. Currently in a pilot phase at nearly 300 schools, the government plans to expand the system nationwide within the next two to three years, should it prove to be successful. Supporters argue this enhances child safety by preventing unauthorized access. Critics, however, warn that it also involves building a vast biometric database of minors, requiring unprecedented security protocols. Simultaneously, the Ministry of Digital Development is rolling out a national video surveillance network powered by artificial intelligence. The system, which integrates citywide cameras into a unified platform, will enable real-time facial and license plate recognition and detect incidents such as fights, large gatherings, or abandoned items. Minister of Artificial Intelligence and Digital Development Zhaslan Madiyev described the system as a tool to monitor public safety 24/7. Equipment Dependence and Strategic Risk Much of Kazakhstan’s surveillance infrastructure relies on equipment from major Chinese companies such as Hikvision and Dahua. Their products are favored for their cost-effectiveness, but concerns have been raised internationally over cybersecurity vulnerabilities and potential data access “backdoors.” Several U.S. and EU countries have imposed restrictions on these firms for national security reasons. In Kazakhstan, which pursues a multi-vector foreign policy, the issue is viewed more as technical than political. Experts recommend diversifying suppliers and enforcing strict data encryption protocols, regardless of the origin of the equipment. Kazakhstan’s exposure to cybersecurity risks became clear in February 2024, when a leak involving the Chinese firm iSoon compromised databases belonging to local telecom operators and targeted government institutions, including the Unified Pension Fund. The incident prompted an urgent reassessment of data security practices. Centralized data hubs, experts noted, can only function securely if accompanied by significant investment in cybersecurity infrastructure. Legislation Lagging Behind While Kazakhstan has a law on personal data, experts argue it is outdated, particularly given the rapid integration of artificial intelligence into public systems. Recent legislative amendments now allow biometric identification to...

Energy Cooperation

Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan Strengthen Energy Ties as Kambarata-1 Project Advances

Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan are deepening their energy partnership as progress continues on the Kambarata-1 Hydropower Plant (HPP), one of Central Asia’s most ambitious infrastructure projects. Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev met with Kyrgyz Energy Minister Taalaibek Ibrayev in Tashkent to discuss regional energy cooperation, according to Kyrgyz news agency 24.kg, citing the Kyrgyz Ministry of Energy. The talks focused on strengthening strategic ties between the two countries, with particular emphasis on hydropower development. Both sides acknowledged the growing momentum in bilateral relations and reaffirmed their commitment to joint regional energy initiatives. Mirziyoyev underscored the importance of collaborative water and energy projects, identifying Kambarata-1 as a top priority for all three participating countries, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Kazakhstan. “For the effective use and joint management of the region’s hydropower potential, next year we will begin financing the construction of the Kambarata-1 Hydropower Plant together with Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan,” Mirziyoyev said, as quoted by the Kyrgyz Ministry of Energy. He also expressed gratitude to Ibrayev and representatives from major energy companies in the United Arab Emirates, Turkey, and Azerbaijan for supporting Uzbekistan’s efforts to attract investment and adopt advanced energy technologies. The Kambarata-1 project is a trilateral initiative involving Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, and Kazakhstan. With a projected cost of $4.2 billion, the venture has already secured $5.6 billion in committed financing from international financial institutions, according to Uzbek Energy Minister Jorabek Mirzamahmudov. Mirzamahmudov noted that the most recent trilateral ministerial meeting took place in Brussels in late September, coordinated by the World Bank. The event brought together representatives from 10 major financial institutions, including the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the European Investment Bank, the OPEC Fund, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, and the Asian Development Bank. Despite strong financial and political backing, the project faces unresolved technical concerns. At a recent parliamentary session in Bishkek, Kanatbek Abdrakhmatov, president of Kyrgyzstan’s National Academy of Sciences, warned that seismic microzonation, a critical safety assessment, has not yet been conducted at the planned construction site. Kambarata-1 is expected to have an installed capacity of 1,860 MW, a reservoir volume of 4.5 billion cubic meters, and a dam height of 256 meters. The facility will house four turbines capable of producing over 5.5 billion kWh of electricity annually. Under the current ownership structure, Kyrgyzstan will hold a 34% stake in the project, while Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan will each hold 33%.