• KGS/USD = 0.01143 -0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00193 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10881 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 -0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00193 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10881 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 -0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00193 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10881 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 -0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00193 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10881 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 -0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00193 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10881 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 -0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00193 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10881 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 -0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00193 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10881 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 -0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00193 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10881 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 0%
21 December 2025

Viewing results 1 - 6 of 141

In Turkmenistan, Government Offices Charge Citizens for Blank Sheets of Paper

In government offices across Turkmenistan, the provision of routine documents is increasingly accompanied not only by official service fees but also by unofficial, unrecorded charges. While these corrupt schemes are nominally presented as “paper fees,” in practice they have become an expected and often unavoidable part of the process. The practice of bribery is not new to Turkmenistan’s public sector. Citizens seeking almost any type of certificate typically pay not only the state-mandated fee but also an unofficial surcharge, money that is not documented on receipts or in public accounts. A particularly telling example is the issuance of marital status certificates at the Ashgabat Registry Office. Just a few years ago, such a certificate cost the equivalent of $2.90 and could be processed in two days. Today, the official fee has increased to $4.20. But the total cost is often higher due to what staff describe as a payment for the sheet of paper used in the application process. The process typically unfolds as follows: visitors are directed by an employee to one of three service windows. There, they are informed of the official fee and instructed where to make the payment. After paying, they return to the same window, where they are handed a blank sheet of paper and asked to sign it, along with a request for an additional $2.90 to cover the application preparation. Sample application forms are posted on the office walls, and, in theory, visitors could fill out their own forms. However, blank sheets are not made freely available. Those who bring their own paper in advance can complete the process at no extra cost. But most visitors, assuming their official payment covers all necessary services, arrive empty-handed. At that point, they are left with few choices: pay the extra fee, leave the office to find a single sheet of paper, or purchase an entire pack, which can cost up to $26.10, an unreasonable expense for a one-time need. Given the long queues at the registry office, most citizens choose convenience over principle and pay the additional $2.90. Over time, this has turned informal paper charges into a de facto component of the bureaucratic process. The total revenue generated through these payments remains unknown and unaccounted for. But for many visitors, the priority is obtaining their documents without further delay. What was once seen as irregular has become normalized, a silent, systemic practice that continues to operate in plain sight, without raising eyebrows.

Turkmenistan Marks 30 Years of Neutrality

On December 12, 2025, Turkmenistan marks the 30th anniversary of a UN decision granting Turkmenistan the status of a neutral country. Defining what “permanent neutrality” means for Turkmenistan is impossible, as it is a flexible term used to justify a range of policies, both domestic and foreign. This vague special status has not provided many benefits, but has helped Turkmenistan’s leadership isolate the country and create one of the most bizarre and repressive forms of government in the world today.   Last Item on the Day’s Agenda On Tuesday, December 12, 1995, the UN General Assembly’s (UNGA) 90th plenary meeting reconvened at 15:20 to consider items 57 to 81 on its agenda. Item 81 was the draft resolution on “permanent neutrality of Turkmenistan.” The UNGA president at that time, Freitas do Amaral, noted to the Assembly that the draft resolution “was adopted by the First Committee without a vote,” and asked if the Assembly wished “to do likewise.” The Assembly did, and after a few brief remarks about the next Assembly meeting on December 14, the session ended at 18:05. That is how the UN officially granted Turkmenistan the status of neutrality. A Great Event The passing of the resolution on Turkmenistan’s neutrality status might have been a case of going through the motions at the UN, but it was a huge event in Turkmenistan. Turkmenistan’s first president, Saparmurat Niyazov, had been campaigning internationally for his country to have “positive” neutrality status since 1992. After this was accomplished, Niyazov often proclaimed this special UN recognition as a great achievement for the country and for himself personally. [caption id="attachment_40725" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] Ashgabat’s Independence Square, previously known as Neutrality Square and originally as Karl Marx Square; image: TCA, Stephen M. Bland[/caption] December 12 was quickly announced as a national holiday. On the first anniversary of the UN decision in 1996, the former Karl Marx Square in Ashgabat was renamed “Neutrality Square.” Shortly after, an olive branch motif was added to Turkmenistan’s national flag, symbolizing the country’s neutral status. In 1998, on the third anniversary of UN-recognized neutrality, the 75-meter-high Arch of Neutrality was unveiled in Ashgabat. A 12-meter gold statue of Niyazov that rotated to face the direction of the sun crowned the structure. Niyazov died in December 2006, and in 2010, the Arch of Neutrality was moved from the city center to the outskirts of the Turkmen capital and unveiled again on December 12, 2011. It has been undergoing renovation and will be unveiled yet again on the 30th anniversary of neutrality. [caption id="attachment_40726" align="aligncenter" width="2099"] Former-President Niyazov's likeness atop the Arch of Neutrality; image: TCA, Stephen M. Bland[/caption] In 2002, Niyazov pushed through a law changing the names of the months of the year and days of the week. December became “Bitaraplyk,” the Turkmen word for neutrality, and continued to officially be called that until 2008, when Niyazov’s successor finally revoked the changes and restored the traditional names. That successor, Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, embraced the special permanent neutrality status and, in...

New CIVICUS Report Warns of Mounting Restrictions on Freedoms in Turkmenistan

The global civil society alliance CIVICUS has published an updated report on the worsening state of rights and freedoms in Turkmenistan. The document, compiled by the International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR) and the Turkmen Initiative for Human Rights (TIHR), covers the period from June to November 2025 and outlines several disturbing trends. According to the report, Turkmen authorities continue to target individuals they deem politically “inconvenient.” This includes former political prisoners, who, despite their release, remain under tight surveillance and face ongoing restrictions. The report highlights an intensifying crackdown on freedom of expression. While state-controlled media project an image of national prosperity, the country is, in reality, grappling with a prolonged socio-economic crisis and widespread human rights abuses. One section focuses on the growing phenomenon of transnational repression. Human rights groups report that Turkmenistan’s security services have increased pressure on dissidents living abroad. These efforts include attempts to forcibly repatriate activists with the cooperation of foreign governments, most notably in Turkey and Russia. CIVICUS also draws attention to expanding internet restrictions. The report suggests that these limitations are not solely politically driven but are also linked to corruption. Cybersecurity officials are alleged to intentionally disrupt internet access to boost demand for censorship circumvention tools, tools that are often monetized through state-controlled channels. Another concern is the continued practice of compulsory mobilization for public events. Citizens are routinely forced to participate in state-organized gatherings, with those who refuse facing threats of punitive measures. Earlier this year, The Times of Central Asia reported that in the lead-up to Turkmenistan’s celebration of the 30th anniversary of its status as a permanently neutral state on 12 December, international human rights organizations had urged Ashgabat to release civil society activists jailed on politically motivated charges.

Food Conditions in the Turkmenistan Army Under Scrutiny

Conscripts returning from military service in Turkmenistan have reported severe food shortages, stark inequality between soldiers and officers, and institutional indifference. Against a backdrop of chronic malnutrition, instances of illness, interpersonal conflict, and even fatalities have been documented. According to former soldiers, food rations in the Turkmen armed forces are grossly inadequate and fall far short of nutritional standards. Daily meals typically consist of boiled pumpkin, stewed cabbage, beets, and rice porridge for breakfast and dinner. Lunch includes a thin soup reportedly containing only "pieces of carrot" and little else. Bread quality is a major concern. Flatbread made from locally sourced flour is often undercooked, forcing conscripts to eat it half-raw, leading to widespread gastrointestinal issues. Meanwhile, soldiers from wealthier families reportedly fare much better. Their relatives send money, which conscripts use to pay canteen cooks for preferential treatment. These soldiers are served separately, receiving meat dishes, salads, fruit, soft drinks, and properly baked bread. In some regions, such as the Balkan region, entrepreneurs have been officially allowed to open cafes near military checkpoints. There, soldiers can purchase rice, samsa, and other local dishes, funded either by family support or their own limited savings. One tragic incident occurred this summer at a base in the Balkan region. A fight broke out outside the canteen when a soldier from a well-off family refused to share his meal. The altercation escalated, ending in the death of one private and a lengthy prison sentence for the other. Discontent is also reportedly growing among officers. Despite earning relatively high salaries for the region, between $860 and $1,140 per month, many do not receive housing, forcing their families to pay substantial rents, which significantly reduces their disposable income. Graduates of the Ministry of Defense’s Military Institute are required to serve a minimum of five years before becoming eligible for discharge. However, approval for resignation remains at the discretion of the command, and with ongoing personnel shortages, such requests are frequently denied.

Ashgabat Police Intensify Crackdown on Internal Migrants Ahead of Neutrality Day

Security forces in Turkmenistan’s capital Ashgabat have stepped up operations targeting visitors from other regions in the lead-up to the country’s 30th anniversary of neutrality. Witnesses report harsh interrogations at checkpoints, physical abuse, ethnic slurs, and widespread raids in areas where day laborers gather. Systematic Interrogations and Raids Recent media reports highlighting police crackdowns on non-resident workers appear to represent only a fraction of a broader campaign against internal migrants. According to residents, anyone arriving in Ashgabat now faces multi-stage inspections at all major entry points, including from the Gokdepe, Dashoguz, Mary, and Lebap regions. Checkpoint officers question travelers in detail, asking where they are going, who they are visiting, the length of their stay, and their purpose. Those suspected of seeking work are often forced to return to their regions of origin. Within Ashgabat, authorities continue searches at the Gurtly bus station and expand checks to markets, construction sites, and agricultural outlets, any location where day laborers might be found. The raids extend to suburban areas, including the city of Arkadag. Ethnic Discrimination and Unofficial Policies Longstanding unofficial policies appear to disproportionately affect ethnic Uzbeks. Residents of Dashoguz and Lebap regions report that career advancement in government is often limited for Uzbeks, with many being encouraged to change their names from childhood to improve their prospects. Even in districts where Uzbeks form the majority, leadership roles are predominantly held by ethnic Turkmen. According to Turkmen.news, the surge in pressure on non-residents coincides with preparations for high-profile events. In the summer, similar measures were observed in the resort town of Avaza before a United Nations forum. Now, authorities appear focused on “cleaning up” Ashgabat and Arkadag ahead of Neutrality Day. Eyewitnesses believe the government aims to present an idealized image of the capital as Turkmenistan prepares to mark 30 years of neutrality. Gurbanguly Berdymuhamedov, the previous president and current Chairman of the country's People's Council, is reportedly placing significant emphasis on the celebrations. High-ranking international delegations are expected to attend. Institutionalized Control Since 2022 The origins of the current policy trace back to January 2022, when Berdymuhamedov, during a Security Council meeting, directed the head of the migration service, Nazar Atagaraev, to increase controls on internal movement. Since then, raids have become routine, with enforcement intensifying ahead of state events.

Central Asia Confirms Joint Water Plan for Shardara Reservoir Ahead of 2025-2026 Season

Central Asian nations have reached a consensus on projected water inflow volumes to the Shardara Reservoir for the upcoming non-vegetation period, according to Kazakhstan’s Ministry of Water Resources and Irrigation. The agreement was finalized during a regional meeting attended by senior officials: Durdy Gendjiev, Chair of Turkmenistan’s State Committee for Water Management; Nurzhan Nurzhigitov, Kazakhstan’s Minister of Water Resources and Irrigation; Shavkat Hamraev, Uzbekistan’s Minister of Water Management; and Jamshed Shodi Shoimzoda, First Deputy Minister of Energy and Water Resources of Tajikistan. Emil Shodikhanov, an adviser at the Kyrgyz Embassy in Turkmenistan, participated as an observer. Participants reviewed outcomes from the 2025 irrigation season and approved the operational forecast for the Naryn-Syr Darya reservoir cascade for the 2025-2026 non-vegetation period. A consensus was reached on expected inflow volumes to Shardara Reservoir, which is a critical node in the region’s transboundary water system. The meeting also included discussions on progress in implementing the commitments made during recent summits of the founding states of the International Fund for Saving the Aral Sea. The 92nd session of the Interstate Commission for Water Coordination (ICWC) is scheduled to take place next year in Tajikistan. “Last irrigation season took place under difficult climate conditions. However, coordinated cooperation among the ICWC member states made it possible to ensure stability throughout the vegetation period,” said Nurzhigitov. “Through such meetings, we reach common agreements and lay the foundation for future cooperation. Together with our colleagues in Central Asia, we aim for a fair distribution of transboundary water resources that considers the interests of all parties.” This agreement follows the 16 November regional summit chaired by Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, during which Central Asian leaders discussed enhancing regional cooperation and accelerating joint infrastructure projects. The summit focused on escalating ecological and water challenges, and leaders stressed the need to adopt a “green development” framework for the region. They also proposed declaring 2026-2036 as the “Decade of Practical Action for the Rational Use of Water in Central Asia.”