Turkmenistan Local Politics - The Times Of Central Asia

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Military

Food Conditions in the Turkmenistan Army Under Scrutiny

Conscripts returning from military service in Turkmenistan have reported severe food shortages, stark inequality between soldiers and officers, and institutional indifference. Against a backdrop of chronic malnutrition, instances of illness, interpersonal conflict, and even fatalities have been documented. According to former soldiers, food rations in the Turkmen armed forces are grossly inadequate and fall far short of nutritional standards. Daily meals typically consist of boiled pumpkin, stewed cabbage, beets, and rice porridge for breakfast and dinner. Lunch includes a thin soup reportedly containing only "pieces of carrot" and little else. Bread quality is a major concern. Flatbread made from locally sourced flour is often undercooked, forcing conscripts to eat it half-raw, leading to widespread gastrointestinal issues. Meanwhile, soldiers from wealthier families reportedly fare much better. Their relatives send money, which conscripts use to pay canteen cooks for preferential treatment. These soldiers are served separately, receiving meat dishes, salads, fruit, soft drinks, and properly baked bread. In some regions, such as the Balkan region, entrepreneurs have been officially allowed to open cafes near military checkpoints. There, soldiers can purchase rice, samsa, and other local dishes, funded either by family support or their own limited savings. One tragic incident occurred this summer at a base in the Balkan region. A fight broke out outside the canteen when a soldier from a well-off family refused to share his meal. The altercation escalated, ending in the death of one private and a lengthy prison sentence for the other. Discontent is also reportedly growing among officers. Despite earning relatively high salaries for the region, between $860 and $1,140 per month, many do not receive housing, forcing their families to pay substantial rents, which significantly reduces their disposable income. Graduates of the Ministry of Defense’s Military Institute are required to serve a minimum of five years before becoming eligible for discharge. However, approval for resignation remains at the discretion of the command, and with ongoing personnel shortages, such requests are frequently denied.

Politics

Ashgabat Police Intensify Crackdown on Internal Migrants Ahead of Neutrality Day

Security forces in Turkmenistan’s capital Ashgabat have stepped up operations targeting visitors from other regions in the lead-up to the country’s 30th anniversary of neutrality. Witnesses report harsh interrogations at checkpoints, physical abuse, ethnic slurs, and widespread raids in areas where day laborers gather. Systematic Interrogations and Raids Recent media reports highlighting police crackdowns on non-resident workers appear to represent only a fraction of a broader campaign against internal migrants. According to residents, anyone arriving in Ashgabat now faces multi-stage inspections at all major entry points, including from the Gokdepe, Dashoguz, Mary, and Lebap regions. Checkpoint officers question travelers in detail, asking where they are going, who they are visiting, the length of their stay, and their purpose. Those suspected of seeking work are often forced to return to their regions of origin. Within Ashgabat, authorities continue searches at the Gurtly bus station and expand checks to markets, construction sites, and agricultural outlets, any location where day laborers might be found. The raids extend to suburban areas, including the city of Arkadag. Ethnic Discrimination and Unofficial Policies Longstanding unofficial policies appear to disproportionately affect ethnic Uzbeks. Residents of Dashoguz and Lebap regions report that career advancement in government is often limited for Uzbeks, with many being encouraged to change their names from childhood to improve their prospects. Even in districts where Uzbeks form the majority, leadership roles are predominantly held by ethnic Turkmen. According to Turkmen.news, the surge in pressure on non-residents coincides with preparations for high-profile events. In the summer, similar measures were observed in the resort town of Avaza before a United Nations forum. Now, authorities appear focused on “cleaning up” Ashgabat and Arkadag ahead of Neutrality Day. Eyewitnesses believe the government aims to present an idealized image of the capital as Turkmenistan prepares to mark 30 years of neutrality. Gurbanguly Berdymuhamedov, the previous president and current Chairman of the country's People's Council, is reportedly placing significant emphasis on the celebrations. High-ranking international delegations are expected to attend. Institutionalized Control Since 2022 The origins of the current policy trace back to January 2022, when Berdymuhamedov, during a Security Council meeting, directed the head of the migration service, Nazar Atagaraev, to increase controls on internal movement. Since then, raids have become routine, with enforcement intensifying ahead of state events.

Water Access

Central Asia Confirms Joint Water Plan for Shardara Reservoir Ahead of 2025-2026 Season

Central Asian nations have reached a consensus on projected water inflow volumes to the Shardara Reservoir for the upcoming non-vegetation period, according to Kazakhstan’s Ministry of Water Resources and Irrigation. The agreement was finalized during a regional meeting attended by senior officials: Durdy Gendjiev, Chair of Turkmenistan’s State Committee for Water Management; Nurzhan Nurzhigitov, Kazakhstan’s Minister of Water Resources and Irrigation; Shavkat Hamraev, Uzbekistan’s Minister of Water Management; and Jamshed Shodi Shoimzoda, First Deputy Minister of Energy and Water Resources of Tajikistan. Emil Shodikhanov, an adviser at the Kyrgyz Embassy in Turkmenistan, participated as an observer. Participants reviewed outcomes from the 2025 irrigation season and approved the operational forecast for the Naryn-Syr Darya reservoir cascade for the 2025-2026 non-vegetation period. A consensus was reached on expected inflow volumes to Shardara Reservoir, which is a critical node in the region’s transboundary water system. The meeting also included discussions on progress in implementing the commitments made during recent summits of the founding states of the International Fund for Saving the Aral Sea. The 92nd session of the Interstate Commission for Water Coordination (ICWC) is scheduled to take place next year in Tajikistan. “Last irrigation season took place under difficult climate conditions. However, coordinated cooperation among the ICWC member states made it possible to ensure stability throughout the vegetation period,” said Nurzhigitov. “Through such meetings, we reach common agreements and lay the foundation for future cooperation. Together with our colleagues in Central Asia, we aim for a fair distribution of transboundary water resources that considers the interests of all parties.” This agreement follows the 16 November regional summit chaired by Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, during which Central Asian leaders discussed enhancing regional cooperation and accelerating joint infrastructure projects. The summit focused on escalating ecological and water challenges, and leaders stressed the need to adopt a “green development” framework for the region. They also proposed declaring 2026-2036 as the “Decade of Practical Action for the Rational Use of Water in Central Asia.”

Human Rights

Turkmen Activist Saddam Gulamov Faces Harsh Sentence for Government Criticism

Russia has extradited Saddam Gulamov, a Turkmen citizen and outspoken critic of the regime, to Turkmenistan, where he was sentenced to a lengthy prison term in 2024, according to a report by Turkmen.news. Born in 1991 in Ashgabat, Gulamov had publicly condemned the government's handling of the food crisis, its denial of the COVID-19 pandemic, and its silence following a devastating hurricane. He is reportedly being held in solitary confinement in prison alongside another activist. Gulamov had been residing in Russia, working in minor roles in theater and film. He was deported to Turkmenistan between late 2023 and early 2024 and convicted by the spring of 2024. The precise charges and length of his sentence have not been disclosed. Before his arrest, Gulamov had used social media to denounce the country's former president, Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, calling him a “dictator and thief,” and urging citizens to reject the culture of blind obedience toward Turkmenistan’s leadership. All of his online content has since been removed. His case is part of a broader crackdown on dissent that intensified in 2020, when the government's inaction during crises led to rising political awareness among citizens. This growing unrest sparked the formation of opposition movements abroad, with activists using social media to call for unity and reform. Turkmen intelligence services closely monitored these activities, and once pandemic-era border restrictions were lifted, many dissidents were forcibly repatriated. Several activists, including Farhat Meymankuliev, Rovshen Klychev, and Merdan Mukhammedov, were deported from Turkey, while others sought asylum in European Union countries. Russia, though less involved than Turkey, has also played a significant role in these forced returns. Notable cases include Azat Isakov, who disappeared in Moscow in 2021 after saying he was hiding from security agents, and Myalikberdy Allamuradov, who was deported in December 2023 and later imprisoned. The list of targeted activists now includes Gulamov. According to Turkmen.news, both he and Allamuradov are being held in solitary confinement in the LB-E/12 penal colony. His extradition follows a similar incident in May, when activist Umida Bekchanova was detained in Istanbul and faced possible deportation to Turkmenistan. Human rights groups warn these actions are part of an expanding campaign of transnational repression aimed at silencing critics abroad through intimidation and forced returns.

Domestic Development

Central Asia and Regional Integration: Logistics, Water, Energy

Central Asia is undergoing a profound transformation, where questions of domestic development and the region’s ability to act in a coordinated way are coming to the forefront. For many years, Central Asian states were viewed as fragmented, each pursuing separate strategies that often put them in competition. Today, however, shared challenges and growing interdependence are making gradual convergence increasingly likely. The region now confronts common pressures such as water scarcity, energy imbalances, environmental degradation, and the fallout of instability in Afghanistan -- issues that no single country can effectively address in isolation. Increasingly, regional platforms such as the Interstate Commission for Water Coordination (ICWC) are being leveraged to mediate water-energy tradeoffs, while joint initiatives in transport, transit, and energy infrastructure foster new integration. Moreover, leading actors like Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan are pushing coordinated strategies -- modernizing rail and aviation links, coordinating transboundary water allocations, and exploring nuclear cooperation -- that point toward a more interconnected regional future. Shared Challenges and Points of Convergence The region faces problems that no country can solve alone. These include water shortages, energy imbalances, environmental risks, and instability in Afghanistan. Such challenges can be seen as both threats and opportunities, since they also represent areas of overlapping interest. Joint action in these fields can deliver more than fragmented national strategies. Water is particularly important, remaining one of the most sensitive issues in interstate relations. Yet it also offers opportunities for coordinated action through existing regional platforms, such as the Interstate Commission for Water Coordination of Central Asia. The “water for energy” model is increasingly seen as a practical tool, already under discussion and applied in bilateral and multilateral projects. Environmental issues are similarly shared. The disappearance of the Aral Sea, land degradation, air pollution, and glacier melt create threats that transcend national borders. Joint monitoring, data exchange, and coordinated adaptation measures, particularly within the United Nations Regional Centre for the Sustainable Development Goals for Central Asia and Afghanistan, opened in August 2025 in Almaty, could become a new direction for regional cooperation. Afghanistan remains another risk factor that affects the security of the entire region. At the same time, transportation and energy projects linking Central Asia with South Asia through Afghan territory can turn a challenge into an opportunity. Reducing instability and integrating Afghanistan into regional trade and transit networks serves the interests of all Central Asian states. Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan as leading forces To understand how closer integration might work in practice, it is useful to examine the strategies of the region’s two key players: Astana and Tashkent. The major agreements concluded by Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan with the United States in transport and aviation should be viewed not as isolated deals, but as evidence of the complementary strengths of the two largest economies in Central Asia. Kazakhstan signed its largest locomotive contract to date with U.S. company Wabtec, a $4.2 billion agreement for 300 TE33A freight locomotives to be assembled at the Wabtec Kazakhstan plant in Astana, along with servicing support. This will modernize...

Cost of Living

High Praise, Empty Pockets: Turkmenistan May Scrap Benefit Hikes

It seems that average Turkmen citizens will again have to find ways to ration their spending in 2026, and beyond, thanks to a proposal from a member of the country’s Council of Elders. At a session of the Halk Maslahaty (People’s Council) on September 19, Elders’ Council member Yazmyrat Atamyradov, who, in fairness, probably drew the short straw before the session started, said that socio-economic conditions in Turkmenistan have reached such a high level that there is no longer a need for cost-of-living increases for salaries, pensions, stipends, and other benefits. "You are bestowing such blessings upon our people, Hero Arkadag!” Atamyradov said in his address. “Our sons and daughters, grandchildren, and great-grandchildren go to school and work without a care in the world. A peaceful, carefree life itself is a priceless treasure and a great asset.” Most of Turkmenistan’s people likely would not agree with Atamyradov’s suggestion, but his words were meant for only one person, Halk Maslahaty Chairman Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, who was in attendance and thanked Atamyradov for the recommendation. Most of the effusive praise for Turkmenistan’s alleged astounding socio-economic achievements was also directed at Berdimuhamedov, who served as Turkmenistan’s president from late 2006 until March 2022, when he stepped down and his son Serdar took the helm. Changes to Turkmenistan’s constitution in early 2023 made the Halk Maslahaty chairman the highest post in the country. A Deteriorating Economy There is no basis for Atamyratov’s assertion that living conditions are improving in Turkmenistan. The suggestion to cut annual payment increases more likely means the authorities can no longer afford to continue funding cost-of-living increases. Turkmenistan has the fourth largest reserves of natural gas in the world, and in the early years after independence, in late 1991, then-President Saparmurat Niyazov forecast the country would soon become a second Kuwait and everyone would be driving Mercedes. It has not worked out like that at all. Turkmenistan has a lot of gas, but only a few customers. The steep drop in gas prices in 2015 devastated Turkmenistan’s economy, which is about 80% dependent on revenue from gas sales, and has never recovered. The first food shortages independent Turkmenistan had ever seen started in 2016. Flour, cooking oil, sugar, eggs, and other basic goods were often not available at state stores where goods are sold at a subsidized price, but have always been available at privately-owned stores and at bazaars, where the price is two or three times more expensive. Eventually, rationing was introduced on bread. Customers were limited to two and sometimes only one churek (flat, round bread) per person. In some areas, police were tasked with monitoring sales to ensure no one bought more than their allotment. Often, there were more customers than bread, and in many places, including the capital, Ashgabat, lines started forming outside state stores before the sun came up. The authorities responded by telling people to line up behind the store so they could not be seen from the street. Fast forward to 2025, where in...