Turkmenistan Local Politics - The Times Of Central Asia

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Domestic Development

Central Asia and Regional Integration: Logistics, Water, Energy

Central Asia is undergoing a profound transformation, where questions of domestic development and the region’s ability to act in a coordinated way are coming to the forefront. For many years, Central Asian states were viewed as fragmented, each pursuing separate strategies that often put them in competition. Today, however, shared challenges and growing interdependence are making gradual convergence increasingly likely. The region now confronts common pressures such as water scarcity, energy imbalances, environmental degradation, and the fallout of instability in Afghanistan -- issues that no single country can effectively address in isolation. Increasingly, regional platforms such as the Interstate Commission for Water Coordination (ICWC) are being leveraged to mediate water-energy tradeoffs, while joint initiatives in transport, transit, and energy infrastructure foster new integration. Moreover, leading actors like Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan are pushing coordinated strategies -- modernizing rail and aviation links, coordinating transboundary water allocations, and exploring nuclear cooperation -- that point toward a more interconnected regional future. Shared Challenges and Points of Convergence The region faces problems that no country can solve alone. These include water shortages, energy imbalances, environmental risks, and instability in Afghanistan. Such challenges can be seen as both threats and opportunities, since they also represent areas of overlapping interest. Joint action in these fields can deliver more than fragmented national strategies. Water is particularly important, remaining one of the most sensitive issues in interstate relations. Yet it also offers opportunities for coordinated action through existing regional platforms, such as the Interstate Commission for Water Coordination of Central Asia. The “water for energy” model is increasingly seen as a practical tool, already under discussion and applied in bilateral and multilateral projects. Environmental issues are similarly shared. The disappearance of the Aral Sea, land degradation, air pollution, and glacier melt create threats that transcend national borders. Joint monitoring, data exchange, and coordinated adaptation measures, particularly within the United Nations Regional Centre for the Sustainable Development Goals for Central Asia and Afghanistan, opened in August 2025 in Almaty, could become a new direction for regional cooperation. Afghanistan remains another risk factor that affects the security of the entire region. At the same time, transportation and energy projects linking Central Asia with South Asia through Afghan territory can turn a challenge into an opportunity. Reducing instability and integrating Afghanistan into regional trade and transit networks serves the interests of all Central Asian states. Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan as leading forces To understand how closer integration might work in practice, it is useful to examine the strategies of the region’s two key players: Astana and Tashkent. The major agreements concluded by Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan with the United States in transport and aviation should be viewed not as isolated deals, but as evidence of the complementary strengths of the two largest economies in Central Asia. Kazakhstan signed its largest locomotive contract to date with U.S. company Wabtec, a $4.2 billion agreement for 300 TE33A freight locomotives to be assembled at the Wabtec Kazakhstan plant in Astana, along with servicing support. This will modernize...

Cost of Living

High Praise, Empty Pockets: Turkmenistan May Scrap Benefit Hikes

It seems that average Turkmen citizens will again have to find ways to ration their spending in 2026, and beyond, thanks to a proposal from a member of the country’s Council of Elders. At a session of the Halk Maslahaty (People’s Council) on September 19, Elders’ Council member Yazmyrat Atamyradov, who, in fairness, probably drew the short straw before the session started, said that socio-economic conditions in Turkmenistan have reached such a high level that there is no longer a need for cost-of-living increases for salaries, pensions, stipends, and other benefits. "You are bestowing such blessings upon our people, Hero Arkadag!” Atamyradov said in his address. “Our sons and daughters, grandchildren, and great-grandchildren go to school and work without a care in the world. A peaceful, carefree life itself is a priceless treasure and a great asset.” Most of Turkmenistan’s people likely would not agree with Atamyradov’s suggestion, but his words were meant for only one person, Halk Maslahaty Chairman Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, who was in attendance and thanked Atamyradov for the recommendation. Most of the effusive praise for Turkmenistan’s alleged astounding socio-economic achievements was also directed at Berdimuhamedov, who served as Turkmenistan’s president from late 2006 until March 2022, when he stepped down and his son Serdar took the helm. Changes to Turkmenistan’s constitution in early 2023 made the Halk Maslahaty chairman the highest post in the country. A Deteriorating Economy There is no basis for Atamyratov’s assertion that living conditions are improving in Turkmenistan. The suggestion to cut annual payment increases more likely means the authorities can no longer afford to continue funding cost-of-living increases. Turkmenistan has the fourth largest reserves of natural gas in the world, and in the early years after independence, in late 1991, then-President Saparmurat Niyazov forecast the country would soon become a second Kuwait and everyone would be driving Mercedes. It has not worked out like that at all. Turkmenistan has a lot of gas, but only a few customers. The steep drop in gas prices in 2015 devastated Turkmenistan’s economy, which is about 80% dependent on revenue from gas sales, and has never recovered. The first food shortages independent Turkmenistan had ever seen started in 2016. Flour, cooking oil, sugar, eggs, and other basic goods were often not available at state stores where goods are sold at a subsidized price, but have always been available at privately-owned stores and at bazaars, where the price is two or three times more expensive. Eventually, rationing was introduced on bread. Customers were limited to two and sometimes only one churek (flat, round bread) per person. In some areas, police were tasked with monitoring sales to ensure no one bought more than their allotment. Often, there were more customers than bread, and in many places, including the capital, Ashgabat, lines started forming outside state stores before the sun came up. The authorities responded by telling people to line up behind the store so they could not be seen from the street. Fast forward to 2025, where in...

Corruption

Prestige or Coercion? Turkmen Police Questioned Over Costly Leader Watches

Turkmenistan’s Ministry of Internal Affairs has launched an internal investigation after reports emerged that police officers were purchasing high-priced watches featuring images of President Serdar Berdimuhamedov, his father and former president Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, and state symbols. According to an internal directive sent to regional departments, police personnel must submit written explanations detailing whether they bought the watches voluntarily or under pressure from superiors. The ministry also announced inspections of police uniforms to ensure compliance with official standards. The directive reminds officers that wearing rings, medallions, or signet rings, aside from wedding bands, is strictly prohibited while on duty. Internal security units have been tasked with monitoring adherence. Prestige or Coercion? The Times of Central Asia previously reported that such watches have become a status symbol within law enforcement circles. Manufactured by Sagat Turkmenistan, the watches feature silver cases with gold plating, gemstone embellishments, and insignias of state agencies. They retail for between 3,000 and 5,000 TMT ($870-1,450). However, many residents allege the watches are frequently used as informal bribes. “If you are told that a criminal case will be brought against you, it means you need to buy such a watch and go to the investigator. This does not mean that the case will be closed. But it’s the first installment,” said a resident of Bayramali with experience of dealing with the police. Watches with white straps are seen as particularly prestigious. Sources say that investigators often request the strap be replaced, at the giver’s expense, to enhance the watch’s appearance. Mandatory Purchases for Civil Servants This phenomenon extends beyond law enforcement. In May 2024, The Times of Central Asia reported that heads of state institutions in the Balkan region were required to purchase similar watches. Prices ranged from 1,500 to 3,000 TMT ($435-870 at the official rate; $75-150 on the black market). High-end models featured portraits of both Berdimuhamedovs, each in differently colored ties, alongside the Turkmen flag and map. Less expensive variants depicted only the president, or a simplified combination of national symbols. The purchase requirement applied to all budget-funded institutions, including schools, hospitals, and transportation agencies. Different “rates” were imposed based on the official’s seniority: lower-level managers paid 1,500 manats, while higher-level administrators paid up to 3,000. The tradition of producing watches featuring national leaders dates back to the rule of Saparmurat Niyazov, under whom such accessories were distributed to schoolchildren and state employees. Serdar Berdimuhamedov has continued this legacy with his own line of commemorative timepieces.

Cotton

Central Asia’s Cotton Harvest: Between Reform, Coercion, and Economic Strain

The 2025 cotton harvest is underway across Central Asia, revealing the region’s ongoing struggle to reconcile long-promised reforms with persistent coercion and deepening economic pressure. Once the crown jewel of Soviet central planning, cotton, long dubbed “white gold”, remains a politically sensitive and economically vital crop from Turkmenistan to Tajikistan. Turkmenistan: Forced Mobilization Persists In Turkmenistan, mass mobilization for the cotton harvest continues largely unchanged. Chronicles of Turkmenistan reported that during a September cabinet meeting, President Serdar Berdimuhamedov ordered all regions to begin picking on September 10. Just two days earlier, the Ministry of Health had instructed medical institutions to send doctors, nurses, orderlies, and even technical staff to the fields, each assigned a daily quota of 45 kilograms. In the town of Turkmenabat, hospital workers said doctors were expected to go to the fields immediately after overnight shifts. Those who refuse must hire substitutes at their own expense, paying about 50 manats ($14) per day. As a result, up to two-thirds of monthly salaries are spent covering these unofficial harvest duties. While younger staff are dispatched to the fields, older employees are left to maintain hospital operations with minimal support. Uzbekistan: Reform, but Lingering Coercion Uzbekistan, by contrast, has officially ended Soviet-style forced labor. The government abolished child and public-sector mobilization, scrapped state cotton quotas in 2020, and partnered with the International Labour Organization (ILO) to monitor the transition. In March 2022, the Cotton Campaign, a global coalition of rights groups, unions, and apparel brands, lifted its boycott of Uzbek cotton, citing the end of systemic forced labor. The campaign, which began in 2011, had gained the support of more than 330 global brands, including H&M and Zara. Yet coercion has not entirely disappeared. In a recent video published by Kun.uz, Dilfuza Tashmatova, deputy hokim (governor) for family and women’s affairs in the Surkhandarya region's Sariosiyo district, was seen berating mahalla (local governance body) employees for failing to recruit enough pickers. She demanded that each “women’s activist” find five to ten additional laborers, totaling 150 people, and threatened dismissal for non-compliance. “Are you even a woman? Shameless! Unscrupulous! If you don’t want to work, then leave!” she shouted from a cotton field. According to the U.S. Department of Agriculture, approximately 70% of Uzbekistan’s cotton is still harvested by hand, despite recent gains in mechanization. Labor shortages have plagued the past two harvests as fewer people are willing to take on the physically demanding work for low wages. Mahalla councils are often pressured to mobilize unemployed or low-income residents. Following public backlash, Uzbekistan’s Ministry of Poverty Reduction and Employment fined Tashmatova 20.6 million UZS (about $1,660) under Article 51 of the Administrative Code, which prohibits forced labor. From Soviet Monoculture to Market Reforms Uzbekistan’s long history of forced cotton labor dates back to its designation as the Soviet Union’s cotton monoculture. For decades, students, teachers, and medical staff were sent into the fields to meet state quotas. After independence, the system endured until international scrutiny spurred reforms. The ILO hailed...

Society

Watches Bearing Berdimuhamedov Portraits Become Unofficial Currency in Turkmenistan’s Security Sector

In Turkmenistan, wristwatches adorned with the images of President Serdar Berdimuhamedov and his father, former president Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, are increasingly being used as informal bribes by citizens dealing with law enforcement. Chronicles of Turkmenistan reports that these timepieces, once symbols of official loyalty, have evolved into an unofficial currency within the country’s security apparatus. Distributed primarily through the company Sagat Turkmenistan, the watches are embellished with silver-plated cases, gold accents, precious stones, and the emblems of various law enforcement agencies. Prices range from 3,000 to 5,000 Turkmenistani Manat (TMT), or approximately $870-1,450. But few security officers reportedly pay for them out of pocket. Instead, citizens facing potential criminal prosecution are expected to offer the watches as “gifts” to investigators. “If you are told that a criminal case will be brought against you, then you need to buy such a watch and go to the investigator. This does not mean that the case will be closed. But it is the first payment,” said a resident of the town of Bayramali who had prior dealings with law enforcement. The standard version comes with a black leather strap, although a white version is seen as particularly luxurious. In some instances, investigators reportedly request a strap upgrade, an added cost that the briber must cover. The practice is not limited to security services. In May 2024, The Times of Central Asia reported that in the Balkan region, heads of state institutions were required to purchase similar watches featuring the Berdimuhamedov portraits. Prices ranged from 1,500 to 3,000 TMT ($435-870 at the official rate, or $75-150 on the black market), depending on the design and seniority of the buyer. Higher-tier models feature both Serdar Berdimuhamedov in a black tie and Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov in a red tie, along with the Turkmen flag and a map of the country. Simpler versions show only one portrait, or a portrait combined with national symbols. All public sector entities, including institutions in healthcare, education, communications, transport, and law enforcement, were reportedly compelled to participate. Senior officials were instructed to purchase the higher-end watches, while lower-level managers had to acquire less expensive models. The use of personalized accessories as symbols of political loyalty is not new in Turkmenistan. Under former president Saparmurat Niyazov, watches featuring his image were widely distributed among schoolchildren and state employees. “We saw watches with the president’s image during Niyazov’s time. It is not surprising that Serdar [Berdimuhamedov] has also started producing gift watches with his portraits. Now all that remains is for him to start erecting monuments to himself throughout the country,” remarked an employee of a state-funded organization in the city of Turkmenbashi. What began as a tool of soft propaganda has now transformed into a transactional item, part status symbol, part bargaining chip, in the interactions between citizens, officials, and security services.

Human Rights

U.S. State Department: No Improvement in Turkmenistan’s Human Rights Record

The U.S. State Department’s annual report on Turkmenistan for 2024 concludes that “no significant changes in the human rights situation in the country have been observed.” Death in Custody and Pressure on Journalists The report cites the death of Allamurat Khudayramov, from Mary region, who reportedly died from torture while in custody. Journalists also remain under pressure. On August 13, former Radio Azatlyk correspondent Khudayberdi Allashov died in Koneurgench. Independent journalist Soltan Achilova reported harassment by authorities in video messages on July 11 and December 10. In November, she was barred from traveling to Geneva for the second time to receive an international award for her human rights work. The government continues to enforce strict media censorship and control of the internet, blocking websites, social media platforms, and VPN services. Security services reportedly summoned citizens who used VPNs for questioning, though more people are finding ways to bypass restrictions. Labor Rights Violations The report details widespread abuses in the workplace. Employers, including state agencies, compelled employees to work 10-hour days or six-day weeks without overtime pay. Many civil servants were required to work Saturdays. Penalties for labor law violations remain light compared with other crimes, and enforcement mechanisms are weak. Only 327 labor inspectors were responsible for monitoring compliance nationwide. The Ministry of Labor reported 2,269 violations as of September 1, 2024. Workers in the cotton industry faced health risks from chemical exposure but could not refuse unsafe tasks without risking dismissal. The report also documents the use of child labor, with children from low-income families engaged in heavy work in markets and agriculture. Restrictions on Freedom and Repression Abroad The organization Show Them Alive! recorded 162 cases of prisoner disappearances. While no new cases were identified in 2024, existing cases remain unresolved. Courts reportedly prevent detainees from challenging their arrest, and families are often unaware of prisoners’ whereabouts. Torture continues to be reported. The State Department also notes Turkmenistan’s involvement in transnational repression. On November 11, Human Rights Watch warned that Turkmen citizens critical of the government face arrest and torture if they return from abroad. Exit bans remain in force: some citizens are prevented from leaving the country even after renewing passports. In August, Turkmen News editor Ruslan Myatiev was denied entry to Turkey, where he was labeled a “threat to national security.” Turkmen activists abroad have also faced detention. Several opposition figures were arrested in Turkey at Ashgabat’s request, with some deported, including Merdan Mukhamedov, who now faces up to 25 years in prison.