Turkmenistan Local Politics - The Times Of Central Asia

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Arkadag

Turkmen Arkadag Without “Unnecessary” People: Crackdown on Residents Without Jobs or Registration Intensifies

The “smart” city of Arkadag, developed at the initiative of Turkmenistan’s National Leader Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, has once again become the focus of a campaign to “clean up” its population, according to Turkmen.news. Local officials are reportedly conducting apartment inspections to identify residents who do not hold official employment in the city. Inspectors are said to be focusing on three main criteria: possession of a local residence permit, confirmed employment in Arkadag, and the degree of kinship with the property owner. The legal basis for these inspections remains unclear, but reports indicate that authorities are taking a strict approach, requiring individuals who do not meet the criteria to vacate their accommodation immediately. According to informal rules described by sources, a “proper” resident of Arkadag must be employed and registered at their actual place of residence. Only immediate family members, spouses, children, and parents are permitted to live together. Brothers, sisters, and more distant relatives residing in the same apartment may face eviction. A local source stated that even individuals officially employed in Arkadag but registered in another region may face restrictions. For example, a person who has secured employment in the city but is temporarily staying with a sibling could be required to return to their place of permanent registration and commute daily. The same restrictions reportedly apply to students. Those enrolled at the International Academy of Horse Breeding and vocational institutions are permitted to reside only in dormitories and may not live with relatives, including close family members. Legally renting accommodation in Arkadag is described as virtually impossible. Property owners are not issued permits authorizing them to lease apartments, resulting in an informal rental market. As a consequence, renters cannot obtain temporary registration, and no tax payments are made on rental income. This situation leaves newcomers in what sources describe as a legal vacuum: they may be able to secure employment but lack lawful housing options. Formally, purchasing an apartment is presented as the only pathway to full residency in the city. Individuals employed in Arkadag may qualify for a mortgage, but strict conditions apply. Authorities reportedly verify that applicants do not hold permanent registration elsewhere. An initial down payment of 10% of the property value, estimated at approximately $2,000-$3,000, is required. In addition, sources allege that intermediaries demand unofficial payments ranging from $2,000 to $4,000 to facilitate mortgage approval. Similar practices have been reported in Ashgabat in recent years. As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, ahead of the 30th anniversary of Turkmenistan’s neutrality, inspections targeting visitors from other regions intensified in the capital. Witness accounts at the time described interrogations at checkpoints, alleged physical abuse, and raids at locations where day laborers gather. Developments in Arkadag suggest that comparable internal migration controls may now be taking shape in the newly built city. Arkadag was conceived as a symbol of modernity and national pride; the reported controls suggest it is also emerging as a laboratory for managing who is permitted to belong.

Parliamentary Reform

Analysis: Three Decades of Parliamentary Reform in Central Asia — and What Changed

Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev announced his reform plans on January 20, including structural changes to the government. Arguably, one of the least consequential of those changes is replacing the current bicameral parliament with a unicameral parliament. Across Central Asia, over the last 35 years, parliaments have repeatedly switched from unicameral to bicameral parliaments, or vice versa, the number of deputies has increased and decreased, and in some cases, parallel bodies have come into existence and later disappeared. Kazakhstan When the Soviet Union collapsed in late 1991, each of the former republics, including the Central Asian countries of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, had a unicameral, republican Supreme Soviet elected in 1990. These Supreme Soviets continued functioning after independence until 1994, and in the case of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, until 1995. In Kazakhstan, in December 1993, the majority of the 360 deputies in the Supreme Soviet voted to dissolve the body. In March 1994, there were elections to the new parliament (Supreme Kenges) that had 177 seats. During the tumultuous year of 1995, the parliament was dissolved by then-President Nursultan Nazarbayev, who ruled by decree until snap parliamentary elections in December of that year. However, on August 29, 1995, voters approved a new constitution in a national referendum. That constitution created a bicameral parliament with 67 deputies in the Mazhilis, the lower house, and 50 deputies in the Senate, 10 of them directly appointed by the president. Deputies to the Mazhilis were chosen in popular elections. Senators were chosen in indirect elections involving deputies from local, provincial, and municipal councils of large cities. In the snap parliamentary elections of October 1999, 10 seats were added and chosen by party lists, while the original 67 continued to be contested in single-mandate districts. That structure lasted until 2007. Constitutional amendments adopted in late May that year increased the number of seats in the Mazhilis to 107, of which 98 were to be chosen by party lists. Nazarbayev’s Nur-Otan party won all 98 of the party list seats in the August elections. The remaining nine representatives came from the Assembly of Peoples of Kazakhstan, a group representing the various ethnic groups in Kazakhstan that Nazarbayev created in 1995. Eight additional members of the Assembly were given seats in the Senate. The Assembly held its own elections to fill those seats. Kazakhstan conducted a constitutional referendum in June 2022, in part aimed at mollifying discontent that lingered from the mass unrest in early January that year, which left 238 people dead. Some amendments stripped away powers in the executive branch that had accumulated during the 28 years Nazarbayev was president, and more power was given to parliament. Another amendment removed the nine Mazhilis seats reserved for members of the Assembly of Peoples of Kazakhstan. One amendment reduced the number of Senate members appointed by the president back to 10, after it had been raised to 15 under a 2007 amendment. Kyrgyzstan A referendum in Kyrgyzstan on constitutional amendments in October 1994 created a bicameral...

Corruption

In Turkmenistan, Government Offices Charge Citizens for Blank Sheets of Paper

In government offices across Turkmenistan, the provision of routine documents is increasingly accompanied not only by official service fees but also by unofficial, unrecorded charges. While these corrupt schemes are nominally presented as “paper fees,” in practice they have become an expected and often unavoidable part of the process. The practice of bribery is not new to Turkmenistan’s public sector. Citizens seeking almost any type of certificate typically pay not only the state-mandated fee but also an unofficial surcharge, money that is not documented on receipts or in public accounts. A particularly telling example is the issuance of marital status certificates at the Ashgabat Registry Office. Just a few years ago, such a certificate cost the equivalent of $2.90 and could be processed in two days. Today, the official fee has increased to $4.20. But the total cost is often higher due to what staff describe as a payment for the sheet of paper used in the application process. The process typically unfolds as follows: visitors are directed by an employee to one of three service windows. There, they are informed of the official fee and instructed where to make the payment. After paying, they return to the same window, where they are handed a blank sheet of paper and asked to sign it, along with a request for an additional $2.90 to cover the application preparation. Sample application forms are posted on the office walls, and, in theory, visitors could fill out their own forms. However, blank sheets are not made freely available. Those who bring their own paper in advance can complete the process at no extra cost. But most visitors, assuming their official payment covers all necessary services, arrive empty-handed. At that point, they are left with few choices: pay the extra fee, leave the office to find a single sheet of paper, or purchase an entire pack, which can cost up to $26.10, an unreasonable expense for a one-time need. Given the long queues at the registry office, most citizens choose convenience over principle and pay the additional $2.90. Over time, this has turned informal paper charges into a de facto component of the bureaucratic process. The total revenue generated through these payments remains unknown and unaccounted for. But for many visitors, the priority is obtaining their documents without further delay. What was once seen as irregular has become normalized, a silent, systemic practice that continues to operate in plain sight, without raising eyebrows.

Neutrality

Turkmenistan Marks 30 Years of Neutrality

On December 12, 2025, Turkmenistan marks the 30th anniversary of a UN decision granting Turkmenistan the status of a neutral country. Defining what “permanent neutrality” means for Turkmenistan is impossible, as it is a flexible term used to justify a range of policies, both domestic and foreign. This vague special status has not provided many benefits, but has helped Turkmenistan’s leadership isolate the country and create one of the most bizarre and repressive forms of government in the world today. Last Item on the Day’s Agenda On Tuesday, December 12, 1995, the UN General Assembly’s (UNGA) 90th plenary meeting reconvened at 15:20 to consider items 57 to 81 on its agenda. Item 81 was the draft resolution on “permanent neutrality of Turkmenistan.” The UNGA president at that time, Freitas do Amaral, noted to the Assembly that the draft resolution “was adopted by the First Committee without a vote,” and asked if the Assembly wished “to do likewise.” The Assembly did, and after a few brief remarks about the next Assembly meeting on December 14, the session ended at 18:05. That is how the UN officially granted Turkmenistan the status of neutrality. A Great Event The passing of the resolution on Turkmenistan’s neutrality status might have been a case of going through the motions at the UN, but it was a huge event in Turkmenistan. Turkmenistan’s first president, Saparmurat Niyazov, had been campaigning internationally for his country to have “positive” neutrality status since 1992. After this was accomplished, Niyazov often proclaimed this special UN recognition as a great achievement for the country and for himself personally. [caption id="attachment_40725" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] Ashgabat’s Independence Square, previously known as Neutrality Square and originally as Karl Marx Square; image: TCA, Stephen M. Bland[/caption] December 12 was quickly announced as a national holiday. On the first anniversary of the UN decision in 1996, the former Karl Marx Square in Ashgabat was renamed “Neutrality Square.” Shortly after, an olive branch motif was added to Turkmenistan’s national flag, symbolizing the country’s neutral status. In 1998, on the third anniversary of UN-recognized neutrality, the 75-meter-high Arch of Neutrality was unveiled in Ashgabat. A 12-meter gold statue of Niyazov that rotated to face the direction of the sun crowned the structure. Niyazov died in December 2006, and in 2010, the Arch of Neutrality was moved from the city center to the outskirts of the Turkmen capital and unveiled again on December 12, 2011. It has been undergoing renovation and will be unveiled yet again on the 30th anniversary of neutrality. [caption id="attachment_40726" align="aligncenter" width="2099"] Former-President Niyazov's likeness atop the Arch of Neutrality; image: TCA, Stephen M. Bland[/caption] In 2002, Niyazov pushed through a law changing the names of the months of the year and days of the week. December became “Bitaraplyk,” the Turkmen word for neutrality, and continued to officially be called that until 2008, when Niyazov’s successor finally revoked the changes and restored the traditional names. That successor, Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, embraced the special permanent neutrality status and, in...

Human Rights

New CIVICUS Report Warns of Mounting Restrictions on Freedoms in Turkmenistan

The global civil society alliance CIVICUS has published an updated report on the worsening state of rights and freedoms in Turkmenistan. The document, compiled by the International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR) and the Turkmen Initiative for Human Rights (TIHR), covers the period from June to November 2025 and outlines several disturbing trends. According to the report, Turkmen authorities continue to target individuals they deem politically “inconvenient.” This includes former political prisoners, who, despite their release, remain under tight surveillance and face ongoing restrictions. The report highlights an intensifying crackdown on freedom of expression. While state-controlled media project an image of national prosperity, the country is, in reality, grappling with a prolonged socio-economic crisis and widespread human rights abuses. One section focuses on the growing phenomenon of transnational repression. Human rights groups report that Turkmenistan’s security services have increased pressure on dissidents living abroad. These efforts include attempts to forcibly repatriate activists with the cooperation of foreign governments, most notably in Turkey and Russia. CIVICUS also draws attention to expanding internet restrictions. The report suggests that these limitations are not solely politically driven but are also linked to corruption. Cybersecurity officials are alleged to intentionally disrupt internet access to boost demand for censorship circumvention tools, tools that are often monetized through state-controlled channels. Another concern is the continued practice of compulsory mobilization for public events. Citizens are routinely forced to participate in state-organized gatherings, with those who refuse facing threats of punitive measures. Earlier this year, The Times of Central Asia reported that in the lead-up to Turkmenistan’s celebration of the 30th anniversary of its status as a permanently neutral state on 12 December, international human rights organizations had urged Ashgabat to release civil society activists jailed on politically motivated charges.

Military

Food Conditions in the Turkmenistan Army Under Scrutiny

Conscripts returning from military service in Turkmenistan have reported severe food shortages, stark inequality between soldiers and officers, and institutional indifference. Against a backdrop of chronic malnutrition, instances of illness, interpersonal conflict, and even fatalities have been documented. According to former soldiers, food rations in the Turkmen armed forces are grossly inadequate and fall far short of nutritional standards. Daily meals typically consist of boiled pumpkin, stewed cabbage, beets, and rice porridge for breakfast and dinner. Lunch includes a thin soup reportedly containing only "pieces of carrot" and little else. Bread quality is a major concern. Flatbread made from locally sourced flour is often undercooked, forcing conscripts to eat it half-raw, leading to widespread gastrointestinal issues. Meanwhile, soldiers from wealthier families reportedly fare much better. Their relatives send money, which conscripts use to pay canteen cooks for preferential treatment. These soldiers are served separately, receiving meat dishes, salads, fruit, soft drinks, and properly baked bread. In some regions, such as the Balkan region, entrepreneurs have been officially allowed to open cafes near military checkpoints. There, soldiers can purchase rice, samsa, and other local dishes, funded either by family support or their own limited savings. One tragic incident occurred this summer at a base in the Balkan region. A fight broke out outside the canteen when a soldier from a well-off family refused to share his meal. The altercation escalated, ending in the death of one private and a lengthy prison sentence for the other. Discontent is also reportedly growing among officers. Despite earning relatively high salaries for the region, between $860 and $1,140 per month, many do not receive housing, forcing their families to pay substantial rents, which significantly reduces their disposable income. Graduates of the Ministry of Defense’s Military Institute are required to serve a minimum of five years before becoming eligible for discharge. However, approval for resignation remains at the discretion of the command, and with ongoing personnel shortages, such requests are frequently denied.