Our People > Stephen M. Bland

Stephen M. Bland

Managing Editor and Head of Investigations

Stephen M. Bland is a journalist, author, editor, commentator, and researcher specializing in Central Asia and the Caucasus. Prior to joining The Times of Central Asia, he worked for NGOs, think tanks, as the Central Asia expert on a forthcoming documentary series, for the BBC, The Diplomat, EurasiaNet, and numerous other publications.

His award-winning book on Central Asia was published in 2016, and he is currently putting the finishing touches to a book about the Caucasus.

Articles

Reforms

Uzbekistan Has “Only Just Begun” Reforms, Says Saida Mirziyoyeva

Saida Mirziyoyeva has said that the country’s reform agenda remains at an early stage, arguing that the scale of change should be measured in years rather than months. In her first major interview since becoming Head of the Presidential Administration, Mirziyoyeva said Uzbekistan had “only just begun” large-scale reforms. Expectations of rapid results, she warned, often overlook structural limits, including weak infrastructure, uneven regional development, and tight public finances. Mirziyoyeva spoke about decision-making inside the presidential system and outlined what she described as the administration’s main policy priorities, including water management, education, healthcare, the business climate, and reform of the judicial and legal system. “Our goal is to improve people’s lives,” she stated, emphasizing that improvements in courts and law enforcement were essential for other reforms to succeed. Without legal guarantees, she argued, investment and social policy changes would fail to deliver lasting results. She said the reforms now underway are intended to address long-standing systemic problems rather than produce quick political gains, and rejected the idea that reform momentum has slowed, arguing that many of the most complex changes require time and careful implementation to succeed. Water management featured prominently in her remarks. Mirziyoyeva described it as one of Uzbekistan’s most urgent challenges, pointing to climate pressures, ageing infrastructure, and rising demand. Education and healthcare were also presented as priorities, with reforms focused on improving quality and access rather than simply expanding state programs. The judicial system, however, emerged as the central theme. Mirziyoyeva said that without independent and predictable courts, reforms in other areas would not deliver lasting results. Legal uncertainty, she said, discourages investment and undermines public trust, making the rule of law essential for both economic reform and the protection of citizens’ rights. Mirziyoyeva also addressed the business environment, arguing that excessive regulation and administrative pressure continue to constrain private enterprise. The state, she said, should act as a partner to entrepreneurs rather than an obstacle, and reforms should create conditions in which businesses can operate transparently and competitively. Mirziyoyeva described her role as focused on coordination and execution rather than public visibility. The task of the Presidential Administration, she said, is to ensure that decisions taken at the top translate into practical change on the ground. Public service, she added, should be judged by outcomes, not rhetoric. The interview comes more than nine years after President Shavkat Mirziyoyev took office in December 2016 and launched a reform agenda that marked a break with the isolationist policies of his predecessor. Early measures included the liberalisation of the foreign exchange market in September 2017, easing trade restrictions, and reducing state control over prices. International financial institutions have described Uzbekistan’s economic transition as ambitious, while noting that progress has been uneven. Political reform has proceeded more cautiously. In its 2024 Nations in Transit assessment, Freedom House classified Uzbekistan as a consolidated authoritarian system, citing restrictions on opposition activity and independent media. Against that backdrop, Mirziyoyeva said reforms should be judged by tangible outcomes rather than timelines. Reliable access...

1 week ago

Geopolitics

2025: The Year Central Asia Stepped Onto the Global Stage

For much of the post-Soviet era, Central Asia occupied a peripheral place in global affairs. It mattered to its immediate neighbors, but rarely shaped wider debates. In 2025, that changed in visible ways. The region became harder to ignore, largely not because of ideology or alignments, but because of assets that the world increasingly needs: energy, minerals, transit routes, and political access across Eurasia. One of the clearest signs came in April, when the European Union and the leaders of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan met in Samarkand for their first summit at the head-of-state level. The meeting concluded with a joint declaration upgrading relations to a strategic partnership, with a focus on transport connectivity, energy security, and critical raw materials. The document marked a shift in how Brussels views Central Asia, moving beyond development assistance toward geopolitical cooperation, as outlined in the official EU–Central Asia summit joint declaration. European interest is rooted in necessity. Russia’s war in Ukraine has forced EU governments to rethink energy imports, supply chains, and overland trade routes. Central Asia sits astride the most viable alternatives that bypass Russian territory. It also holds resources essential to Europe’s green transition, including uranium and a range of industrial metals. The region’s leaders spent much of the year framing their diplomacy around these tangible advantages, rather than abstract political alignments. The United States followed a similar track. Through the C5+1 format, Washington deepened engagement with all five Central Asian states, with particular emphasis on economic cooperation and supply-chain resilience. A key element has been the Critical Minerals Dialogue, launched to connect Central Asian producers with Western markets. This initiative formed part of a broader U.S. effort to diversify access to strategic materials and reduce dependence on Russia and China. Russia remained a central but changing presence in Central Asia throughout 2025. Economic ties, labor migration, and shared infrastructure ensured that Moscow continued to matter across the region. At the same time, however, Russia’s war in Ukraine constrained its ability to act as the dominant external power it once was. Central Asian governments maintained pragmatic relations with Moscow, but they increasingly treated Russia as one partner among several rather than the default reference point. Trade continued, security cooperation persisted, and political dialogue remained active, yet the balance shifted toward hedging rather than dependence. Uranium sits at the center of this shift, with the United States having banned imports of certain Russian uranium products under federal law, with waivers set to expire no earlier than January 1, 2028. As Washington restructures its nuclear fuel supply chain, Central Asia’s role has grown sharply. According to the U.S. Energy Information Administration’s 2024 Uranium Marketing Annual Report, Kazakhstan supplied 24% of uranium delivered to U.S. reactor operators, while Uzbekistan accounted for about 9%. Canada and Australia remain major suppliers, but the Central Asian share is now strategic rather than marginal. That economic weight translated into political visibility. In December, U.S. President Donald Trump said he would invite Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan to attend...

2 weeks ago

Party Politics

Japarov Signs Decree Stripping Ex-Leader Atambayev of State Honors

Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov has signed a decree revoking state awards previously granted to former President Almazbek Atambayev, including the title Hero of the Kyrgyz Republic, the Order of Manas (Second Class), the Order of Danaker, and the Dank medal. The order follows a decision by Bishkek’s Pervomaisky District Court, and authorities have been instructed to confiscate the medals and transfer them to the state awards fund, according to reports citing the presidential press service. Atambayev, who led Kyrgyzstan from 2011 to 2017, has been at the center of long-running criminal and political disputes since leaving office. His fallout with successor, Sooronbay Jeenbekov, culminated in the 2019 Koi-Tash confrontation, when security forces tried to detain him at his residence outside Bishkek, and the clashes left a security officer dead. That episode became part of later court proceedings and deepened the elite polarization in Kyrgyz politics. The immediate legal basis for stripping the awards is tied to a 2025 court verdict. In June, the Pervomaisky District Court sentenced Atambayev in absentia to more than eleven years in prison on charges of corruption and participating in mass unrest, along with confiscation of property and deprivation of state awards. Atambayev has remained abroad since he left Kyrgyzstan for medical treatment, and did not return for the trial proceedings. The latest decision formalizes the court-ordered loss of honors and triggers the administrative step of retrieving medals and certificates, but it does not add a new criminal penalty beyond the existing sentence. The move is also political. State awards carry symbolic weight in Kyrgyzstan, and revocation is rare for former heads of state. By linking the decision explicitly to a court verdict, Japarov’s administration is framing it as enforcement rather than a discretionary act. For Atambayev’s supporters, it is likely to be read as another escalation in a feud that has shaped Kyrgyz politics for years.

2 weeks ago

Aviation Ban

Kyrgyzstan Signals Possible End to EU Aviation Ban

Kyrgyzstan says it is close to ending a near two-decade ban that has kept its airlines off European routes, after President Sadyr Japarov said the country has reached a “critical point” in efforts to leave the European Union’s air safety blacklist. The comments come as Kyrgyz officials push for international recognition of reforms in aviation oversight and airport infrastructure. Japarov said Kyrgyzstan has been developing civil aviation “on its own initiative,” investing “billions of soms,” buying aircraft for domestic and international routes, and building new airports. He described the effort as a state priority and added: “Kyrgyzstan has reached a critical point in its exit from the European Union’s ‘blacklist’… with God’s help, the skies of Europe will open to Kyrgyzstan.” The EU Air Safety List is the bloc’s mechanism for restricting airlines that, in the EU’s assessment, do not meet international safety standards. Airlines on the list are banned from operating “to, in and from the EU,” and the EU can also apply restrictions to all carriers certified in a country if national oversight is deemed inadequate, according to the European Commission’s official Q&A on the EU Air Safety List. Updates are prepared with support from the EU Air Safety Committee and the European Union Aviation Safety Agency (EASA), and are based on standards set through the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO), the Commission says. Kyrgyz airlines have been on the EU list since 2006. The EU’s most recent comprehensive update, published on December 8, 2025, still includes Kyrgyzstan among the countries whose airlines are banned because of “a lack of safety oversight by the aviation authorities,” according to the Commission’s December 2025 materials and the linked EU Air Safety List documentation. Kyrgyz airlines would be allowed to apply for operations linked to the European Union if the country is removed from the EU Air Safety List. Any carrier seeking to fly to, from, or within the EU needs to meet European safety requirements, including obtaining Third Country Operator authorization from the European Union Aviation Safety Agency, according to the European Commission’s air safety rules. Kyrgyzstan’s public messaging has framed the potential removal as an economic lever, with Japarov stating it would support tourism, attract investment, and improve the country’s international image. It could also lead to more direct scheduled flights between Kyrgyzstan and EU destinations, rather than relying on connections via third countries. The EU has not announced a decision to remove Kyrgyzstan, and any change would require a formal update to the list after technical review. Past EU updates show that changes can cut both ways. In June 2025, for example, the Commission added all carriers certified in Suriname and Tanzania after identifying serious shortcomings in national oversight, in an official announcement on its Mobility and Transport site. For now, Japarov’s statement signals confidence that Kyrgyzstan believes it has supplied the documentation and reforms the EU expects. Whether that will translate into removal will depend on the EU’s technical findings and the next formal update cycle of...

3 weeks ago

Suicide

Kazakh Authorities Open Investigation After Temir Mayor Found Dead

The authorities in Kazakhstan’s Aktobe Region have opened a pre-trial investigation after the mayor (akim) of Temir city, Erkin Dalmagambetov, was found dead on December 20. The Aktobe regional police department confirmed the death and said the circumstances are being established. "Police have opened a pre-trial investigation into the suicide. The circumstances of the incident are being investigated," according to an official statement. Local officials also confirmed the death. Almas Zhaksylykov, the akim of Temir District, told reporters that Dalmagambetov was found at home on the evening of December 20 and that authorities were conducting checks. Several Kazakh outlets reported that Dalmagambetov was 46 and left six children. Dalmagambetov led Temir, a small city in western Kazakhstan, for less than two years. He was appointed on June 3, 2024, after local elections held the day before, according to a Temir District akimat announcement published on the government’s portal. Temir is the administrative center of the Temir District in the Aktobe Region. The area sits in western Kazakhstan, a region known for energy, mining, and transport routes. The Aktobe Region has a population of about 928,000, based on recent official estimates. Kazakhstan’s akims serve as local executive leaders, with responsibilities that range from municipal services and budgeting to implementing national programs at a local level. In smaller cities such as Temir, the mayor’s office is often closely tied to day-to-day issues such as utilities, roads, schools, and public order. The case has drawn wide attention online. The authorities have not announced funeral arrangements or any interim leadership decision for Temir city. The Temir District akimat has not published additional details beyond confirming the death, with the police saying they will not disclose more information during the investigation.

3 weeks ago

History

The Ruthless History of the Great Game in Central Asia

In the so-called New Great Game, Central Asia is no longer a mere backdrop; with its strategic location, massive oil and gas reserves, and newfound deposits of critical raw materials, it’s a key player. In stark contrast to events in the 19th century, this time, Central Asia finds itself courted by four great powers - China, the EU, the U.S., and Russia - instead of caught in the crosshairs of conquest. The region finds itself with agency. However, the original Great Game was anything but fair play. Comprising vast steppes, nomadic horsemen, descendants of Genghis Khan’s Great Horde, and a lone nation of Persians, during the 19th century, the once-thriving Silk Road states became entangled in a high-stakes battle of expansion and espionage between Britain and Russia. Afghanistan became the buffer zone, while the rest of the region fell under Russian control, vanishing behind what became known as the “Iron Curtain” for almost a century. The term “Great Game” was first coined by British intelligence officer Arthur Conolly in the 19th century, during his travels through the fiercely contested region between the Caucasus and the Khyber. He used it in a letter to describe the geopolitical chessboard unfolding before him. While Conolly introduced the idea, it was Rudyard Kipling who made it famous in his 1904 novel Kim, depicting the contest as the epic power clash between Tsarist Russia and the British Empire over India. Conolly’s reports impressed both Calcutta and London, highlighting Afghanistan’s strategic importance. Britain pledged to win over Afghan leaders — through diplomacy, if possible, and by force, if necessary. The Afghan rulers found themselves caught in a barrage of imperial ambition, as the British and Russian Empires played on their vulnerabilities to serve their own strategic goals. Former Ambassador Sergio Romano summed it up perfectly in I Luoghi della Storia: "The Afghans spent much of the 19th century locked in a diplomatic and military chess match with the great powers — the infamous 'Great Game,' where the key move was turning the Russians against the Brits and the Brits against the Russians." The Great Game can be said to have been initiated on January 12, 1830, when Lord Ellenborough, President of the Board of Control for India, instructed Lord William Bentinck, the Governor-General, to create a new trade route to the Emirate of Bukhara. Britain aimed to dominate Afghanistan, turning it into a protectorate, while using the Ottoman Empire, Persian Empire, Khanate of Khiva, and Emirate of Bukhara as buffer states. This strategy was designed to safeguard India and key British sea trade routes, blocking Russia from accessing the Persian Gulf or the Indian Ocean. Russia countered by proposing Afghanistan as a neutral zone. The ensuing conflicts included the disastrous First Anglo-Afghan War (1838), the First Anglo-Sikh War (1845), the Second Anglo-Sikh War (1848), the Second Anglo-Afghan War (1878), and Russia’s annexation of Kokand. At the start of the Central Asian power struggle, both Britain and Russia had scant knowledge of the region's people, terrain, or...

9 months ago

Economic Cooperation

Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan Implement Free Trade Agreement

On February 25, 2025, the free trade agreement between Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan officially came into effect, eliminating customs duties on most goods produced in both countries, with certain exceptions. This landmark move aims to strengthen trade and economic ties between the two neighbors. The announcement was made by Uzbekistan’s Ministry of Investments, Industry, and Trade on March 7, following the completion of all legal procedures for the Protocol on Exceptions to the Free Trade Regime, signed on July 16, 2024. The protocol had been approved earlier by Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev through Resolution No. 29 on January 27, 2025. Key Provisions and Economic Sectors Under the new trade rules, Turkmenistan has removed customs duties on a range of key Uzbek exports, including the following items with their previous tariffs or taxes noted: Cement (100%) Textiles (50%) Furniture (50%) Glass containers (50%) Water heating boilers (15%) Plastic and polypropylene products (10%) Sausages and meat products ($2 per kg) Cottonseed oil ($1 per kg) Officials anticipate that the free trade system will boost economic activity between the two countries by facilitating business operations and encouraging investment. The Uzbek Ministry of Investments, Industry, and Trade, along with other government bodies, is working to help Uzbek businesses maximize the benefits of the new trade framework, whilst both governments expect the deal to accelerate industrial cooperation across sectors such as construction, agriculture, and manufacturing. Growing Trade Volume or a One-Way Street? The agreement reflects already expanding trade dynamics. According to TurkmenPortal, trade turnover between Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan increased by 23% in the first quarter of 2024 compared to the same period in 2023, reaching $455 million. Turkmen exports to Uzbekistan surged by 36%, totaling $407 million. Turkmenistan's imports from Uzbekistan experienced a 30% decline, however, dropping from $69.2 million to $48 million during the January- May period compared to the same timeframe in 2023. Strengthened Bilateral Relations and Regional Impact Nevertheless, the agreement represents more than economic policy and could underscore a new era of trust and cooperation. Both countries have worked to improve their relationship through proactive diplomacy, with recent high-level meetings - including those between Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev and Turkmen President Serdar Berdimuhamedov - emphasizing the shared goal of collaborating across trade, cultural, and political spheres. The free trade regime sets a benchmark for greater economic collaboration within Central Asia, whilst the elimination of tariffs and smoother trade between Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan could inspire similar agreements among neighboring countries. While challenges such as infrastructure harmonization and policy alignment remain, the benefits of this agreement showcase the potential for regional integration.

10 months ago

Justice

Riot in Tajik Prison Leaves Several Inmates Dead

On February 3, a riot broke out in Tajikistan's Vahdat Penitentiary No. 3/2, 15 miles from Dushanbe, resulting in the deaths of several prisoners. According to Tajikistan’s Ministry of Justice, the incident occurred when nine inmates - convicted over links to Islamic State and the Jihadi Salafi movement - launched an armed attack on prison staff using improvised weapons. “As a result of the attack, three guards were seriously injured,” the ministry’s statement said. The prisoners, armed with makeshift knives, refused to comply with prison authorities and attempted to kill security personnel in an escape attempt. According to the authorities, the prison guards responded with firearms, killing three of the attackers and detaining the others. The injured staff members received medical treatment and were reported to be in stable condition. Authorities also confirmed that security at the facility has been fully restored. While official reports initially listed three inmate fatalities, some sources suggest that the actual number of prisoner deaths may be higher. Condemning the treatment of detainees by officials at the prison, the Civil Committee for the Rescue of Hostages and Political Prisoners of Tajikistan (CCHP) stated that “at least 10 prisoners were killed and a number were injured as a result of guards shooting at prisoners.” Despite reports that the detainees had briefly raised the Islamic State flag over the prison, CCHP claimed that those killed were political prisoners who had no connection to ISIS or any other banned group. History of Prison Riots in Tajikistan This is not the first violent uprising within Tajikistan’s penitentiary system. In May 2019, inmates in the same facility armed with knives took three staff members hostage and killed them. They also executed five fellow prisoners before security forces suppressed the riot. Among those killed was Behruz Halimov, son of Gulmurod Halimov, a former Tajik special forces officer who later joined ISIS. The riot left 29 prisoners dead, and Tajikistan’s Supreme Court subsequently increased the sentences of 28 convicts involved in the incident. ISIS claimed responsibility for the riot. In November 2018, a similar riot occurred in a high-security prison in Khujand, where 21 inmates and two prison staff members were killed. Five guards were also injured. Following an investigation, 33 prisoners stood trial, and nine prison officials, including the warden, received prison sentences for negligence. Broader Security Concerns In recent years, Tajikistan has witnessed numerous escape attempts from detention facilities, though nearly all have ended in failure. Most escape organizers have either been killed during apprehension or recaptured. These recurring incidents highlight ongoing security challenges within the country’s prison system and underscore the need for further reforms to prevent future outbreaks of violence.

11 months ago

Aktau Plane Crash

Aliyev Takes Aim at Russia in Azerbaijan Airlines Crash

Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev has intensified his criticism of Russia, accusing it of a “cover-up” over the Azerbaijan Airlines plane which crashed near the Kazakh city of Aktau on December 25. During a televised address, Aliyev expressed Azerbaijan’s “surprise, regret, and righteous indignation” over what he described as “absurd” explanations for the crash. Departing from protocol, Aliyev delivered his address in Russian, a poignant choice that heightened the gravity of his message. “I can confidently say that the guilt for the deaths of Azerbaijani citizens in this accident lies with the representatives of the Russian Federation,” Aliyev stated. “We demand justice, we demand punishment of the guilty, we demand complete transparency and humane treatment… If the city of Grozny had taken timely measures to close Russian airspace over its territory, if all the rules of ground services had been observed, and if there had been coordination between the armed forces and civil services of the Russian Federation, then this tragedy would not have happened.” On Monday, Aliyev met with the two surviving flight attendants and the families of other crew members who perished, describing them as “heroes”. The Flight Recorders In a related development, Brazil has concluded its analysis of the black boxes from Azerbaijan Airlines Flight 8243. The Aeronautical Accidents Investigation and Prevention Center (CENIPA) confirmed that the findings were handed over to Kazakhstan’s Aviation Accident Investigation Department in line with international protocols for aircraft accident investigations. These results will contribute to the final report on the incident. As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia (TCA), the incident led the Commission on Aviation Incident Investigation, headed by Kazakhstan’s Minister of Transport, Marat Karabayev, to decide to send the flight recorders to Brazil’s CENIPA. The investigation was conducted by three Brazilian specialists in collaboration with Azerbaijani and Russian experts. Chronology of the Crash The incident occurred on December 25, when an Embraer 190 aircraft operated by Azerbaijan Airlines crashed near Aktau on Kazakhstan’s Caspian Sea coast. The plane was flying between Baku, Azerbaijan, and Grozny, Russia. Of the 67 people on board, 38 were killed, and 29 were injured. The passengers included 37 Azerbaijani citizens, 6 Kazakhs, 3 Kyrgyz, and 16 Russians. On December 26, video footage showing small holes in the fuselage wreckage sparked speculation about possible external damage. Aviation and military analysts suggested the holes might have been caused by air defense systems, given reports from the Chechen authorities about the shooting down of Ukrainian drones in the area. This raised concerns about the potential for misidentification. [caption id="attachment_27352" align="aligncenter" width="1280"] Chechen Pantsir Missile Launcher; image: Vitaly V. Kuzmin[/caption] When asked about the possibility of external fire, Kazakh Minister Marat Bozumbayev emphasized that conclusions would only be drawn after all available evidence had been examined. International Collaboration The Azerbaijani government rejected the idea of a Russian-led investigation, opting instead for an international team of experts, including representatives from Embraer. The black boxes were sent to CENIPA on December 29. The crash also prompted a temporary suspension...

1 year ago

Geopolitics

Navigating Energy and Diplomacy: Putin’s Visit to Kazakhstan

The Kremlin has confirmed that Russian President Vladimir Putin will visit Kazakhstan on November 27 at the invitation of Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev. The visit is expected to focus on several key issues, with the construction of Kazakhstan's first nuclear power plant likely to be high on the agenda. As part of the visit, the two leaders will participate in the 20th Forum of Inter-regional Cooperation between Kazakhstan and Russia via video conference. Additionally, Putin will attend the regular session of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) Collective Security Council, chaired by President Tokayev, on November 28. The meeting will involve heads of state from Russia, Kazakhstan, Belarus, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, as well as CSTO Secretary General Imangali Tasmagambetov. The agenda includes discussions on regional and international security, with a program to strengthen Tajik-Afghan border security set to be adopted. Notably, given its currently tumultuous relationship with Russia in the wake of Azerbaijan's invasion of Nagorno-Karabakh, Armenia will not participate, with its Foreign Minister, Ararat Mirzoyan having opted out of attending. Focus on Nuclear Power and the Role of a Consortium Experts believe that Putin’s visit will include discussions on nuclear energy. This aligns with recent remarks by Kazakh Energy Minister Almasadam Satkaliyev, who stated that Kazakhstan is open to discussing nuclear power plant construction with Russia, among other potential partners. Satkaliyev emphasized that energy issues remain a cornerstone of international cooperation, and Kazakhstan has established an intergovernmental commission to evaluate proposals from various vendors on a competitive basis. Kazakhstan’s First Deputy Prime Minister Roman Sklyar has highlighted the importance of forming an international consortium for the project. Speaking in September, Sklyar noted that political risks and safety concerns would be addressed during the process. He also emphasized the need to incorporate cutting-edge technologies from global leaders in the nuclear energy sector. On November 14, Kazakh Prime Minister Olzhas Bektenov met with Alexei Likhachev, Director General of the Russian State Atomic Energy Corporation, Rosatom. The meeting focused on cooperation in nuclear energy, quantum technologies, digitization, and the development of human resources. Rosatom, a diversified company involved in engineering and construction, currently has 39 nuclear power units in various stages of development across ten countries. Public Support and Future Plans The potential construction of a nuclear power plant in Kazakhstan has garnered significant public support. In an October 2024 referendum, 71.2% of Kazakh voters approved the initiative. Commenting on the result, Tokayev suggested that an international consortium involving global companies with advanced technologies would be the best approach for the project. Kazakhstan’s energy landscape is characterized by a reliance on aging thermal power plants, which are increasingly unable to meet the demands of a growing population and economy, with electricity shortages projected to worsen, particularly in the rapidly developing southern regions. The construction of a nuclear power plant, therefore, is seen as a crucial step toward alleviating these shortages, reducing dependence on overpriced imports from Russia, and achieving carbon neutrality goals. The construction of Kazakhstan’s first nuclear power plant presents both...

1 year ago