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Bilateral Relations

Uzbekistan, India Boost Strategic Partnership in High-Level Call

Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev spoke with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi on August 12, 2025, in a telephone conversation aimed at deepening the strategic partnership between Uzbekistan and India. The two leaders discussed expanding cooperation across trade, connectivity, healthcare, technology, and cultural exchanges, with Modi describing their conversation as “fruitful.” Posting on X, Modi stated that “We reviewed the progress achieved in key areas of our bilateral cooperation and reaffirmed our shared resolve to further advance the India-Uzbekistan Strategic Partnership.” Ahead of India’s 79th Independence Day, Mirziyoyev highlighted the longstanding friendship between the two nations. The talks underscored Uzbekistan’s growing role as a vital partner in Central Asia for India, as both countries seek to bolster regional stability and their economic development. Since Uzbekistan’s independence in 1991, the country has steadily built ties with India, which was among the first to recognize its sovereignty. The two nations formally established diplomatic relations in 1992 and elevated their engagement with a Strategic Partnership declaration in 2011. Uzbekistan has hosted several visits by Modi, most recently in September 2022, when he participated in the 22nd SCO summit held in Samarkand. Mirziyoyev has visited India on two occasions. Uzbekistan plays a central role in Central Asian connectivity initiatives such as the China–Kyrgyzstan–Uzbekistan railway project, enhancing trade routes and regional cooperation. It is also exploring collaboration with India in healthcare and technology, alongside efforts to promote cultural and educational exchanges that strengthen ties between their peoples. Bilateral economic ties are steadily growing, with trade between India and Uzbekistan reaching approximately $756.6 million in 2023, up from $444.2 million in 2020. Indian exports include pharmaceuticals, machinery, and food products, while Uzbekistan supplies fruits, fertilizers, and textiles. More than 300 Indian companies now operate in Uzbekistan, encouraged by a new Bilateral Investment Treaty signed in 2024, which is aimed at boosting joint ventures in healthcare, IT, and tourism. Both governments have signaled their intent to diversify into renewable energy, agriculture, and hospitality. Connectivity is a key pillar of the partnership. Uzbekistan is working with India on projects like the International North–South Transport Corridor and seeking operational access to Iran’s Chabahar Port, which would give Tashkent a direct route to the Indian Ocean. Security and defense cooperation have intensified since the creation of the Joint Working Group on Defense in 2019. The two countries hold the annual Dustlik military exercises, alternating between India and Uzbekistan, to strengthen counter-terrorism and urban warfare capabilities. The sixth edition was held in Pune from April 16–28, 2025, underscoring growing interoperability between the two militaries. Uzbek forces regularly train at Indian military academies, and discussions are underway on defense industry collaboration. Cultural and educational ties also remain vibrant. Bollywood and Indian music enjoy enduring popularity in Uzbekistan. Around 10,000 Indian students now study across Uzbek institutions, particularly in medicine. On the tech side, ministers agreed this year to launch an India–Central Asia Digital Partnership Forum, with Uzbekistan offering to host the inaugural meeting, linking India’s digital public infrastructure experience with Central Asia’s modernization...

4th India-Central Asia Dialogue

Opinion: Strengthening the Silk Bonds — India’s Renewed Push Towards Central Asia

The velvet-draped tables of New Delhi’s 4th India-Central Asia Dialogue convened under the stewardship of External Affairs Minister Dr. S. Jaishankar on June 6, 2025, radiated congeniality, with history and strategy converging. This high-level engagement, attended by foreign ministers from Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, marked more than a diplomatic ritual — it signaled India's deepening resolve to recalibrate its strategic posture in a region too long shaped by other powers. Yet beneath pledges of shared civilizational futures and energy corridors, an uncomfortable truth lingered as India remains a guest, not a player, in Central Asia’s great power theatre. Further, India’s internal socio-political landscape presents notable challenges that inadvertently shape its foreign policy credibility, particularly in the eyes of Central Asian nations. Persistent communal tensions — most visibly manifested in the Hindu-Muslim divide, the controversial demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1992, and the politically charged construction of the Ram Mandir — have deepened perceptions of religious polarization. Such domestic developments, while largely internal, resonate beyond India’s borders, especially in the Muslim-majority Central Asian republics, raising concerns about inclusivity and pluralism in India’s governance model. Simultaneously, India’s strained relations with key neighbors — Pakistan, and China, and increasingly volatile dynamics with Nepal, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka — have reinforced a regional image of discord and inconsistency. These internal and regional complexities contribute to a trust deficit, making Central Asian countries cautious in placing long-term strategic confidence in India. For New Delhi to emerge as a dependable partner in the region, addressing internal fissures and presenting a coherent, inclusive national vision is as vital as economic or diplomatic outreach. Central Asia sits at the center of ancient trade routes and modern geopolitical competition. For India, its importance is twofold: the region is a bridge to Eurasia and a repository of energy resources critical to India’s growing economy. But India’s historical connectivity to Central Asia — through the Silk Road, shared cultural legacies, and spiritual exchanges — has, for decades, been overshadowed by geographic and political barriers, notably the lack of direct overland access due to Pakistan. Recognizing these constraints, the dialogue showcased a strategic pivot. India reaffirmed its commitment to enhancing regional connectivity through the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) and the Chabahar Port in Iran. While geopolitical instability in Iran and Afghanistan poses challenges, India's emphasis on multimodal routes demonstrates pragmatic flexibility. In an era defined by supply chain resilience and multipolar geopolitics, connectivity is no longer just an infrastructure question — it is a currency of influence. The dialogue also addressed the evolving regional security architecture. India’s proposal for counter-terrorism cooperation, capacity building, and intelligence sharing was timely and necessary. However, the dialogue echoed with familiar refrains, viz. civilizational bonds, shared destiny, and multipolar cooperation. Yet beneath the diplomatic choreography lies a haunting question. Can India transcend its historical role as Central Asia’s cultural cousin to become its strategic confidant? History whispers caution. The Burden of History: From Silk Roads to Shadow Roads For centuries, the Silk Road...

Education

Indian Students Involved in New Year’s Eve Brawl Deported from Kazakhstan

Six Indian students have been deported from Kazakhstan following their involvement in a mass brawl in Almaty on New Year’s Eve. The students, enrolled at a university in Almaty, were the only individuals implicated in the altercation, with no Kazakh citizens involved. "This was an internal conflict among the students," Kazakhstan’s Minister of Science and Higher Education, Sayasat Nurbek commented. "The Almaty Police Department is conducting an investigation. We have discussed the matter with the Indian Embassy and reached a joint decision to deport the students." The altercation occurred at a café on Kok-Tobe, a popular mountain destination in Almaty. What began as a quarrel between the students escalated into a violent mass brawl, with video footage showing participants wielding chairs, tables, and batons. The footage quickly circulated online, drawing public attention to the incident. According to the Almaty Police Department, all individuals involved in the fight were identified and taken to the Medeusky District Police Department for questioning.

BRICS

Kazakhstan’s Strategic Stand: Navigating BRICS Amidst Geopolitical Tensions

In recent days, BRICS - an intergovernmental organization comprising Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa, Iran, Egypt, Ethiopia, and the UAE - has become one of the most critical topics on the Eurasian region's information agenda. Russian propaganda has presented the BRICS summit, which is taking place in Kazan, as a global event. However, the press secretary of Kazakhstan's president, Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, has stated that the republic has no plans to apply for BRICS membership in the foreseeable future, which has caused an adverse reaction in the Russian media, and led to a seemingly retaliatory Russian ban on Kazakhstan's agro-products. The Kazakhstani side, represented by the expert community, has tried to explain that its reasoning is based not only on Astana's national interest, but also on its obligations to its partners in Central Asia. Perhaps the most convincing argument is that the C5+1 mechanism is effective as a format for the region's interactions with the outside world. Therefore, it is not worth breaking this mechanism. No Central Asian country besides Kazakhstan has been invited to join BRICS, but Astana cannot afford to damage the established alliance by creating the conditions for distrust from its neighbors; Central Asia has already gone through a period of distrust. At the same time, rejecting the idea of joining BRICS, where India, Russia, Brazil and China are the founding members, does not unduly affect Kazakhstan's interactions with these powers. Kazakhstan works with China and Russia within the framework of the SCO (Shanghai Cooperation Organisation) and EAEU (Eurasian Economic Union), and has signed multiple partnership and alliance agreements with Beijing and Moscow. In other words, the information hysteria that Kazakhstan will exit Russia's sphere tomorrow and join the "Global West" (a term used in the Russian media) has no basis in reality. At the same time, however, it is evident that most Central Asian countries are trying to distance themselves from Russia as much as possible, maintaining cooperation only along certain economic lines. Even banks in Kyrgyzstan, a republic maximally dependent on Moscow on several essential issues, have stopped working with Russian banks. The Kazakhstan Stock Exchange, meanwhile, recently announced the end of cooperation with the sanctioned Moscow Stock Exchange. Moreover, Rosselkhoznadzor's ban on imports of a wide range of agro-industrial products from Kazakhstan, if not a response to the refusal to join the BRICS, clearly hints that behind the scenes, economic relations between Astana and Moscow are not all that smooth. Another argument against joining BRICS was voiced not just within Kazakhstan, but also by Russian experts. Despite the organization's purportedly representative nature, which includes countries with a combined population of 3.5 billion people (45% of the Earth's population), the association has no structure. Russian analysts opposed to the Kremlin believe that BRICS is a club where one can come, sabre-rattle at the West, conclude bilateral agreements, and forget about everything until the next summit. No coordinating center monitors the implementation of any agreements reached. BRICS was conceived as an intercontinental organization, uniting similar economies in volume and GDP. Thus, it initially included Brazil, representing...

India

How India is Becoming a Robust Soft Power in Central Asia

The middle-income trap, a pressing issue that has led to the stagnation of many successful developing economies, demands immediate attention. This trap, which occurs when a middle-income country can no longer compete internationally in standardized, labor-intensive goods due to relatively high wages, is a result of various factors, including countries most successful demographic characteristics. For instance, access to education has reduced birth rates due to an almost 100% literacy rate defined by 12 years of education. In the process, importing cheap manufacturing products has made local products uncompetitive. In such a situation, the country should have planned to upgrade current skill-based education to high-tech skills such as ICT, pharmaceuticals, etc. This shift to high-tech education holds immense potential for developing countries, offering a pathway out of the middle-income trap. Unfortunately, poor investment in developing high-tech education has led to an inadequate supply of a high-skilled workforce. Developed economies, such as the U.S. and a few European countries, are in an advantageous position to overcome such a trap due to their highly effective immigration policy. Developing countries, such as Brazil, Mexico, Argentina, the Philippines, and almost all Central Asian Republics, meanwhile, suffer. This will be further aggravated if the issue is not addressed urgently. Due to its geographic location and natural resource endowments, Central Asia, a diverse region with a mix of upper-middle and low-income countries, holds significant importance in the global economic landscape. Let's look at a specific case, such as Uzbekistan, a country whose population is growing at 1.3% per annum. Regarding age structure, the 0-14 age group makes up 30.1% of the population, the 15-64 age group 64.6%, and the 65-plus group constitutes just 5.3%. The country has achieved a high literacy rate, with 100% of the population completing 12 years of primary and higher secondary education. However, the country’s GDP per capita is relatively low, at US$ 3,209 (nominal term) and US$ 11,316 (PPP). The country's economy is dominated by the services sector, which contributes 48.4% to the GDP, followed by industry at 33.7%, and agriculture at 17.9%. The poverty line is set at less than US$ 3.2 per day, affecting 10% of the population. The country's labor force is distributed across sectors, with 25.9% in agriculture, 13.2% in industry, and 60.9% in services. The unemployment rate is 5.3%, and underemployment is a significant issue, affecting 20% of the population. The low supply of highly skilled workers challenges further increasing per capita income. The country will likely fall into this middle-income trap because it reaches a certain average income and cannot progress beyond that level. It seems helpful to mention some insights from this perspective. During Soviet times, the growth model of states was determined by their available resources, and Central Asia is rich in abundant resources. However, in most cases, primary resources were taken to other non-resource wealthy states for further value addition. So, the workforce was created in the respective states based on the concerned state's requirements. Workforce migration from one state to another was...

Transport Central Asia Afghanistan India Iran

India to speed up Iran’s Chabahar project to better access Afghanistan, Central Asia

TEHRAN (TCA) — Iran and India have agreed to speed up the development of Chabahar port which New Delhi views as a gateway to access Afghanistan and Central Asia, Iran’s PressTV news agency reported. Continue reading