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Sergey Lavrov

Lavrov in Astana as Kazakhstan Prepares for Putin State Visit

Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov has visited Astana for talks with Kazakhstan’s leadership, as the two countries prepare for a planned state visit by Russian President Vladimir Putin in late May. Lavrov arrived in Kazakhstan on April 29. The main working part of the visit took place on April 30, with meetings with President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev and Foreign Minister Yermek Kosherbayev. Russia’s Foreign Ministry said the agenda covered political, trade, economic, cultural, and humanitarian ties, as well as cooperation in the Eurasian Economic Union, the Collective Security Treaty Organization, the Commonwealth of Independent States, and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. At expanded talks in Astana, Kosherbayev said Russia remains one of Kazakhstan’s key trade partners. Bilateral trade exceeded $27 billion last year, and the two governments are working toward a target of $30 billion. Kosherbayev said the talks covered energy, transport, logistics, industry, digitalization, cultural ties, and international issues. The foreign ministers signed a cooperation plan between the two ministries for 2027-2028 during the visit. Kosherbayev said the plan reflected close coordination between Astana and Moscow on bilateral and international issues. The visit also comes ahead of Putin’s expected trip to Kazakhstan. The Kremlin said in February that Putin had confirmed his participation in the Supreme Eurasian Economic Council meeting in Astana in late May and accepted Tokayev’s invitation to make a state visit linked to the event. For Kazakhstan, relations with Russia remain a central part of its multi-vector diplomacy, alongside growing ties with China, the European Union, Turkey, the Gulf states, and the United States. The two countries share a long border, have deep trade links, and work together through several regional organizations. Russia also remains central to Kazakhstan’s energy export network. The Caspian Pipeline Consortium terminal near Novorossiysk handles roughly 80% of Kazakhstan’s crude exports. That gives Astana a strong reason to keep stable ties with Moscow, but it also explains why Kazakhstan is pushing to diversify transport routes. The government has promoted the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route, also known as the Middle Corridor, as a way to move freight between China, Central Asia, the Caspian Sea, the South Caucasus, and Europe with less reliance on Russian territory. The war in Ukraine has made that approach harder to sustain. Kazakhstan has kept ties with Moscow, but Tokayev has also stressed the importance of the UN Charter, sovereignty, and territorial integrity. In a phone call with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy on August 10, 2025, Tokayev said Kazakhstan supported the UN Charter, the inviolability of sovereign borders, and the territorial integrity of sovereign states. Economic pressure has also grown. Western governments have increased scrutiny of trade routes that could be used to bypass sanctions on Russia. Kazakhstan has tried to protect its own trade from that pressure while avoiding a direct break with Moscow. Energy adds another dimension. Any disruption to the CPC route can quickly become a national economic issue for Kazakhstan. In April, Kazakhstan’s energy ministry said CPC exports through the Black Sea remained stable after Russia reported...

Shanghai Cooperation Organisation

Belousov’s Bishkek Warning: Russia Uses SCO Meeting to Target Outside Influence in Central Asia

The April 28 meeting of defense ministers from the member states of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), held in Kyrgyzstan’s capital, Bishkek, received relatively modest coverage in Central Asia and China. Russia’s Ministry of Defense, however, used the routine gathering to send a sharper message: Moscow remains opposed to any non-regional military presence in Central Asia. According to the SCO Secretariat, the meeting was attended by defense ministers from member states, the organization’s Secretary-General, and the director of the Executive Committee of the SCO’s Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure. “During the meeting, the parties held a substantive exchange of views on pressing regional and international security issues, noting persistent challenges and threats, including international terrorism, extremism, transnational crime, as well as emerging risks in information and cybersecurity,” the SCO said in a general statement. The statement also emphasized the need to strengthen trust between the armed forces of member states, expand practical cooperation, conduct joint exercises, exchange experience, and develop mechanisms for military cooperation within the SCO. China’s Defense Minister Dong Jun used similar institutional language. According to Xinhua, Dong said the SCO should uphold the international order, improve security governance, and “eliminate the sources of turmoil and conflict through shared development.” He also called for deeper defense and security cooperation among member states. Kazakhstan’s Defense Minister Dauren Kosanov presented a report on the country’s approach to strengthening regional security, developing cooperation within the SCO, and improving joint responses to contemporary challenges, according to Kazakhstan’s Ministry of Defense. The ministry said participants also discussed the expansion of practical cooperation between defense agencies and approved a cooperation plan for SCO defense ministries for 2027. Defense ministers from Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan also held bilateral talks on the sidelines of the meeting, discussing military-technical cooperation, joint training, experience-sharing among officers, and initiatives aimed at strengthening regional security. Uzbek media described the talks as being held in a constructive and friendly atmosphere. Russian Defense Minister Andrei Belousov adopted a markedly different tone. His remarks were not limited to general SCO language about counterterrorism or cyber threats. They directly targeted the possible presence of outside powers in Central Asia. “We are closely monitoring attempts by non-regional states to establish a military presence and address logistical tasks in Central Asia. We consider this unacceptable,” Belousov said, according to RIA Novosti. Belousov also expressed concern about Syria, Lebanon, Afghanistan, and the humanitarian crisis in Gaza, warning that militants from crisis zones could infiltrate neighboring countries, including the SCO space. Belousov further argued that U.S. activity in the Asia-Pacific region was having a destabilizing effect. “Their efforts to reshape the regional security system into a U.S.-centric model by strengthening military-political structures under Washington’s control provoke tensions, undermine regional stability, and increase the risks of armed conflict,” he said. The contrast was striking. The SCO Secretariat spoke in broad terms about common threats and institutional cooperation. China emphasized development, governance, and multilateral stability. Russia used the same setting to issue a direct warning over Central Asia. Iran added another layer to...

UN ESCAP

UN ESCAP Asia and Pacific Digital Solutions Centre for Sustainable Development Established in Kazakhstan

During the 82nd session of the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP), held in Bangkok last week, all 52 member states adopted a resolution establishing the UN ESCAP Asia and Pacific Digital Solutions Centre for Sustainable Development in Almaty. This has been reported by Kazakhstan’s Ministry of Digital Development. The new center will become ESCAP’s sixth regional institution, alongside existing specialized centers in Japan, China, South Korea, India, and Iran. The Almaty-based center is expected to have a capacity of up to 130 staff, and be located in the UN Plaza building. The government of Kazakhstan will cover the institution’s operational and administrative costs for five years, with funding of up to $15 million. It will operate as a neutral international platform under the auspices of the United Nations, aimed at identifying and disseminating best digital solutions from across the Asia-Pacific region, particularly in public and social services. As noted by Margulan Baimukhan, Kazakhstan’s Permanent Representative to ESCAP, the adoption of the resolution marks the conclusion of a multilateral negotiation process that lasted more than five years. The center is expected to contribute to bridging the digital divide across the region, with a particular focus on supporting least developed countries, landlocked countries, and small island developing states. In the context of rapid digital transformation, emphasis will be placed on developing inclusive mechanisms for the exchange of technologies and expertise, enabling countries to design solutions tailored to national contexts and ensuring equitable access to the benefits of digitalization. For Kazakhstan, the establishment of the center is expected to create additional opportunities to attract advanced digital technologies, international expertise, and highly qualified professionals. Strengthening Almaty’s role as a regional hub under the auspices of the United Nations is also expected to enhance international cooperation, promote partnerships with leading technology companies and development institutions, and reinforce the country’s position as a provider of digital solutions across the Asia-Pacific region. The initiative may also support Kazakhstan’s export potential in IT services and the promotion of domestic digital solutions in international markets.

Migrant Workers

Over 100 Uzbek Workers in Russia Receive Aid After Months Without Pay

More than 100 Uzbek migrant workers in Russia have received assistance after going without wages and adequate food for four months, according to Uzbekistan’s Migration Agency. The agency said the workers were jointly owed nearly 24 million rubles (about $324,000) and, in some cases, had fallen into irregular legal status. The situation began to improve after the workers contacted the agency for assistance. Following the appeals, the agency’s representative office in Russia worked with legal counsel, while Uzbekistan’s Consulate General sent an official diplomatic note to the relevant authorities. As a result, Russian law enforcement agencies opened a criminal case against the employers under Article 145.1 of the Russian Criminal Code, which covers non-payment of wages. According to the agency, some progress has already been made. A total of 105 workers have received 9.4 million rubles (around $127,000) in unpaid wages. The remaining debt, estimated at 23.9 million rubles, is expected to be paid by May 15. The agency also said that food supplies for the workers have been restored. Those who had lost legal status were assisted in returning to Uzbekistan, and financial support measures have begun. The case was handled in cooperation with Uzbekistan’s diplomatic missions in Russia and Russian law enforcement authorities. Officials said the joint efforts helped address both the financial claims and the humanitarian situation faced by the workers.

Sanctions

Opinion: Bishkek Between Sanctions and Africa: The Quiet Architecture of Proxy Sovereignty

The official visit of Togo’s head of government, Faure Gnassingbé, to Kyrgyzstan on April 28–30 should not be read as an isolated diplomatic event. It is taking place inside an unusually dense cluster of activity: the SCO Council of Defence Ministers, the presence of China’s defence minister, the fifth meeting of Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) digital and ICT ministers, and a parallel SCO Forum on Artificial Intelligence. Bishkek, in other words, was not simply hosting an African leader. It was presenting itself — intentionally or not — as a Eurasian platform where security, digital governance, AI, transport, tourism, and external partnerships intersect. This geometry deserves attention. Bishkek as a Digital Interface Over the past several years, Kyrgyzstan has worked to reposition itself — not only as a mountainous transit country, but as a provider of digital state capacity: e-government tools, secure documents, digital identification, fintech infrastructure, and special financial regimes such as the proposed Tamchy special financial and investment territory, which combines Kyrgyz sovereignty with elements of English law and international arbitration. For many African countries, this offer can be attractive. Governments across the continent are looking for administrative modernization, digital sovereignty, and alternatives to legacy Western-controlled infrastructure. For Bishkek, such partnerships offer something equally valuable: visibility, geopolitical relevance, and an opportunity to export state technology beyond Central Asia. Togo is a particularly interesting test case. Lomé is one of West Africa’s important maritime and logistical hubs, with access not only to the Gulf of Guinea but, indirectly, to the Sahel region — Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger — where Russia has expanded its security footprint. If Kyrgyz digital infrastructure were to enter this corridor, it would not be a minor technical export. It would connect a Central Asian jurisdiction to one of Africa’s most strategically sensitive zones. It must be said honestly: this remains a hypothesis. Public information about specific Kyrgyz digital products being offered to Togo remains limited. But the political signal is difficult to ignore: Bishkek is not approaching this visit as a routine bilateral courtesy. The Russia Question There is a more sensitive layer to this picture. Kyrgyzstan is a close partner of Russia. Russia, in turn, is under heavy Western sanctions and is searching for alternative financial, commercial, and logistical routes. This creates a natural suspicion that Kyrgyz digital and financial infrastructure could — directly or indirectly — become useful to Russian-linked actors. This does not mean every Kyrgyz initiative abroad is directed from Moscow. That reading is too simplistic. A more precise framing is this: Kyrgyzstan may be becoming part of a distributed sanctions-era infrastructure in which Russian, Chinese, Central Asian, and Global South interests increasingly overlap. In this sense, Bishkek may not be a “front office” for Russia alone. It may be emerging as a Eurasian adapter — a jurisdiction through which larger actors can interact with sensitive markets under a less toxic, more flexible brand. A7A5 and the Closing Window The crypto-financial dimension makes this issue urgent. A7A5, a ruble-pegged stablecoin issued...

Sergio Gor

U.S. Envoy Gor Meets Rahmon in Tajikistan for Trade, Security Talks

Tajik President Emomali Rahmon met Special Envoy of the President of the United States for South and Central Asia Sergio Gor in Dushanbe on April 28 for talks focused on trade, investment, security, and the next stage of cooperation under the C5+1 framework. Gor also met Tajik Foreign Minister Sirojiddin Muhriddin during the visit. “Just landed in Tajikistan!” Gor wrote on X. “Excellent meeting with Foreign Minister Sirojiddin Muhriddin in Dushanbe on deepening U.S.-Tajikistan ties. Excited to build a stronger partnership that delivers greater security and prosperity for both our countries.” The U.S. Embassy in Dushanbe said Gor’s meetings would continue over the next few days. According to the Tajik president’s press service, the meeting with President Rahmon covered the current state of bilateral relations and prospects for expanding cooperation. Particular attention was given to agreements reached through the C5+1 dialogue, which brings together the United States and the five Central Asian states. Rahmon said Tajikistan is interested in expanding ties with Washington in areas of mutual interest, noting that the United States is among Tajikistan’s top five investment partners. The sides discussed the use of the Trade and Investment Framework Agreement, known as TIFA, as a tool for developing practical cooperation. The talks pointed to several sectors where Dushanbe hopes to attract greater U.S. involvement. These include hydropower, mining, mineral processing, light industry, food production, chemicals, and pharmaceuticals. Tajikistan has long promoted its hydropower potential as a basis for regional energy trade and industrial development, while mining and processing are increasingly tied to wider U.S. interest in critical minerals and supply-chain diversification. Digital cooperation also featured, with the two sides identifying artificial intelligence, digital infrastructure, and the wider digitalization of the economy as promising areas for cooperation. They also discussed the creation of joint ventures to process agricultural products for export and attract investment. The Tajik Foreign Ministry said Muhriddin and Gor discussed political, economic, investment, humanitarian, and security cooperation. It said they also exchanged views on the regional situation, emphasizing stability and the prevention of humanitarian risks. “Particular attention was paid to the need for coordinated efforts in addressing modern challenges and threats, including terrorism, extremism, and drug trafficking,” the ministry said. Security remains a central part of Tajikistan’s relationship with Washington. Tajikistan shares a long border with Afghanistan, where narcotics trafficking, militant activity, and cross-border violence have repeatedly tested Dushanbe’s security forces. Earlier this month, Tajikistan said its security forces killed two alleged drug smugglers from Afghanistan who crossed into the Farkhor district of the Khatlon region. The State Committee for National Security said the group was trying to smuggle 25 kilograms of hashish. The Afghan border has also become a concern for foreign investors. In late 2025, several Chinese workers were killed in attacks launched from Afghan territory, prompting China to urge Tajikistan to strengthen protection for Chinese citizens and businesses. The attacks sharpened attention on Tajikistan’s ability to secure border areas where foreign-backed infrastructure and mining projects are expanding. Cooperation has also extended into health....