• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00191 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10866 0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00191 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10866 0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00191 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10866 0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00191 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10866 0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00191 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10866 0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00191 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10866 0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00191 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10866 0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00191 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10866 0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
12 December 2025

Viewing results 97 - 102 of 563

Opinion: The Engine of Turkic Integration – Why TURKPA Is No Longer “Just Talk”

On June 12, in Astana, the 14th Plenary Session of the Parliamentary Assembly of Turkic States (TURKPA) was held under the theme: TURKTIME: The Role of Parliamentary Diplomacy. TURKPA has existed since 2008, but it is only now that the multifaceted activities of Turkic states are drawing close attention from external observers, first and foremost, from Russia. This is unsurprising since the driving forces behind Turkic initiatives are often Ankara and Astana. While Turkey promotes its national interests, Kazakhstan appears to play both of its powerful neighbors, Russia and China, against each other. Moscow, at times, does not hide its ire, hinting that its influence over Astana is diminishing in favor of Beijing. Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev skillfully engages with China, securing benefits such as investments and a visa-free regime, which gives Kazakhstani carriers an advantage over their Russian and regional competitors. TURKPA was officially founded a year before its 'sister' organization, the Organization of Turkic States, was established. The first proposal to create TURKPA was made by Kazakhstan’s President Nursultan Nazarbayev at the 8th Summit of Turkic Heads of States in November 2006. Interestingly, TURKPA is also listed on the website of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), although it includes Turkey, a country outside the CIS and a geopolitical rival to Russia, which dominates the organization. Equally interesting is the composition of TURKPA and its governance structure. Its full members comprise Turkey, Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, and Kyrgyzstan, whilst Hungary and Turkmenistan are observers. The day-to-day operations of the organization are managed by a Secretariat headquartered in Baku, and the Secretary General of TURKPA is always an Azerbaijani citizen. Strategic direction is provided through annual plenary sessions, which are presided over by the Speaker of Parliament of the country currently holding the Chair. “The chairmanship rotates annually in alphabetical order according to the Latin alphabet,” explained Kazakh MP Aigul Kuspan. This brings us to a curious contradiction that nobody focuses much upon. It is believed that Azerbaijan is Turkey’s proxy state in the South Caucasus and Central Asia. At the same time, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, to a lesser or greater degree, pursue a Russian policy in the region. As explained, in recent years Kazakhstan has also gravitated toward promoting Chinese interests. Thus, in practice, Turkey leads TURKPA through its own presidency and via Azerbaijan for two out of every four years, while Russia/China exert influence through Kazakh and Kyrgyz speakers in the other two. In theory, this tug-of-war could have rendered both TURKPA and the OTS, where geopolitical tensions are similar, meaningless forums for routine summits. That was true until recently; however, now we observe a growing geopolitical subjectivity in Central Asia and a reorientation toward its own interests. Therefore, OTS summits and TURKPA plenaries have become more purposeful. This is demonstrated by the words of President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, who met with delegates of the 14th Plenary Session of the Parliamentary Assembly of Turkic States. “Last year, Kazakhstan chaired the Organization of Turkic States. Under the motto 'TURKTIME', we implemented...

The Ripple Effects of the Israel-Iran Conflict on Central Asia

The Israel-Iran conflict has escalated dramatically, with Israel launching large-scale strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities and military targets, including the killing of top Iranian commanders and nuclear scientists. Characterizing these attacks as a “declaration of war,” Iran has retaliated by deploying approximately 100 drones toward Israeli territory, which have been intercepted. The strikes, part of Israel's "Operation Rising Lion," aim to neutralize what it perceives as an existential threat from Iran's nuclear ambitions. The situation has triggered reactions globally, with heightened tensions and calls for de-escalation. Meanwhile, in an interview with ABC News, U.S. President Trump called the strikes "excellent" and vowed there was "more to come. A lot more." The rapidly escalating conflict between Israel and Iran will undoubtedly exert a tangible influence on Central Asia, a region that shares both historical and geographic proximity to Iran. Turkmenistan, which directly borders Iran, is at the forefront, demonstrating how Central Asia sits strategically within a broader landscape of global power struggles. Geopolitical Tensions Within Reach Central Asia’s geographic and political ties to Iran make the region a key area of influence for Tehran. Iran’s relationship with Turkmenistan, grounded in a shared border and energy cooperation, highlights its immediate relevance. Turkmenistan and Iran collaborate on trade and natural gas exports, ensuring intertwined economies. However, these connections make Central Asia exposed to the consequences of Tehran’s ambitions, particularly as tensions with Israel spill over. Israel, meanwhile, has been steadily cultivating its influence in the region through strategic partnerships. Its strong alliance with Azerbaijan, Iran’s neighboring competitor to the north, has allowed Israel to counter Tehran’s reach. Additionally, Israel has deepened ties with Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, offering expertise in cutting-edge technologies in agriculture, water-saving technologies, defense, and cybersecurity. This influence balances Iran’s predominance but risks elevating the regional stakes should the conflict further intensify. The nations of Central Asia are navigating a multitude of competing external pressures close to home, relying on multi-vector diplomacy to manage relationships with Iran, Israel, Russia, China, and the West. Economic Interdependence and Vulnerabilities Central Asia’s landlocked geography makes trade routes essential, with Iran serving as a critical gateway to global markets. The Bandar Abbas port facilitates the export of Central Asian goods, particularly for Turkmenistan. In January, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Russia, and Iran reaffirmed their commitment to increasing cargo transportation along the North-South transport corridor. However, sanctions on Tehran and the conflict's unpredictability cast uncertainty over these vital corridors. The Chabahar port, developed in partnership with India, is another crucial lifeline for trade. Unlike Pakistan's China-aligned Gwadar port, Chabahar links Central Asia to the Indian Ocean, offering a more stable and independent trade route. For nations like Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, the port diversifies transit options and reduces reliance on routes controlled by Russia or China. Social Dynamics and Security Challenges Culturally and religiously, Sunni-majority countries like Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan, and Uzbekistan remain alert to both Iranian propaganda and organizations like Hamas, which are considered destabilizing actors. Governments actively look to suppress rhetoric or movements that could spark unrest, prioritizing...

Central Asia Responds to Escalation Between Israel and Iran

Following extensive Israeli airstrikes on Iranian territory, defined by the Israeli military as a “preventive action” targeting Tehran’s nuclear infrastructure, Central Asian governments have begun responding to the escalating conflict by reinforcing security protocols for their citizens in the region. Kazakhstan: Embassy Issues Guidelines for Citizens in Israel The Embassy of the Republic of Kazakhstan in Tel Aviv has issued an official advisory to Kazakh citizens residing in or visiting Israel. The statement recommends: Adhering strictly to instructions from the Israeli Home Front Command; Maintaining heightened vigilance; Monitoring verified news and official announcements; Staying in regular contact with the Kazakh diplomatic mission. Emergency hotlines have also been activated to provide immediate assistance to nationals. Uzbekistan: Warning to Citizens in Iran and Israel Uzbekistan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has released a public advisory urging citizens in both Iran and Israel to exercise maximum caution. Recommendations include: In Iran, being prepared to take shelter in designated bomb shelters; In Israel, strictly following the directives of local authorities and the military; Keeping identification documents and embassy contact information readily accessible; Following updates through official and verified information channels. The Foreign Ministry emphasized that the security situation remains volatile and requires prompt attention from Uzbek citizens in the affected areas. Airlines Reroute to Avoid Conflict Zone Kazakh carriers Air Astana and FlyArystan have altered several flight routes to avoid Iranian and Iraqi airspace, which has been closed amid rising tensions. Destinations affected include Dubai, Doha, Sharm El-Sheikh, Manama, and Medina. Passengers are advised to check their flight status in advance, as changes to departure and arrival times are expected. Regional Watch: Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan As of June 13, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan have not issued formal statements regarding the conflict. However, diplomatic sources report that embassies and consulates across the region have been placed on high alert and are closely monitoring developments. Earlier today, the Israeli military confirmed the launch of a military operation targeting what it described as “dozens of strategic sites” in Iran, including suspected nuclear facilities. Tehran has condemned the strikes and pledged a “harsh and symmetrical response.” The international community has expressed growing concern that the conflict could broaden, destabilizing the wider region.

Opinion: Xi Jinping Heads to Astana – What’s at Stake in the Central Asia-China Summit?

On June 16-17, President Xi Jinping of the People’s Republic of China will visit Kazakhstan. The second Central Asia-China summit is scheduled for June 17 in Astana. Leading up to the event, a series of forums, meetings, and conferences have been unfolding across Central Asia and China, drawing experts, journalists, diplomats, and energy-sector representatives. These activities suggest that the upcoming summit is poised to overshadow its predecessor. While U.S. analysts continue debating the viability of their own C5+1 framework for engaging with Central Asia, and the European Union advanced its outreach with the inaugural EU-Central Asia summit, China has relied on a well-worn path. The thousand-year legacy of the Middle Kingdom is filled with moments when it had to engage with the complex mosaic of Central Asia, once a turbulent region of khanates, emirates, and nomadic tribes. Despite the chaos, China succeeded in carving out a secure overland corridor, the Great Silk Road, which threaded through what are now the independent Central Asian republics, linking them like beads in a continental necklace. Then, as now, China is seeking stability in the region, not just for political influence but to safeguard its global supply chains. Beijing’s modern initiatives, including the Belt and Road Initiative and its broader “community of shared future” concept, aim to establish global “islands of comfort” conducive to Chinese interests.  At the heart of this strategy lies a deeply embedded worldview: that China represents civilization itself. The Chinese learned long ago to deal with their neighbors not with violence, but through economic incentives, a method which is proving just as effective today. This layer of understanding is notably absent in many Western and post-Soviet analyses of China’s actions in Central Asia, the Middle East, Africa, and beyond. The reasons for this are twofold. First, Chinese officials are careful never to state views about cultural hierarchies explicitly; doing so would risk alienating partners. This reticence is a feature of traditional Eastern diplomacy. Second, Beijing has cultivated its own expert ecosystem within the post-Soviet sphere. In response to a wave of Sinophobia that swept through Central Asia a decade ago, China now primarily engages with favorable media outlets and Sinologists, many of whom are nurtured through carefully managed media tours. One such tour, organized by People’s Daily, is currently underway ahead of the Astana summit. As a result, the discourse surrounding the summit is shaped less by hard policy proposals than by diplomatic pageantry, with everything presented in the best possible light. At the recent 5th Forum of Think Tanks, “Central Asia-China: New Horizons for Regional Partnership,” Kazakhstan's State Councilor Yerlan Karin likened China and Central Asia to “the two lungs of Asia,” emphasizing the symbolic depth of their growing relationship. The 6th Central Asia-China Foreign Ministers’ Meeting, chaired by Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi and held in Almaty in April, likewise offered little in terms of concrete summit outcomes. According to a general statement from Kazakhstan’s Foreign Ministry, topics included political dialogue, trade, connectivity, sustainable development, and security cooperation,...

Opinion: Strengthening the Silk Bonds — India’s Renewed Push Towards Central Asia

The velvet-draped tables of New Delhi’s 4th India-Central Asia Dialogue convened under the stewardship of External Affairs Minister Dr. S. Jaishankar on June 6, 2025, radiated congeniality, with history and strategy converging. This high-level engagement, attended by foreign ministers from Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, marked more than a diplomatic ritual — it signaled India's deepening resolve to recalibrate its strategic posture in a region too long shaped by other powers. Yet beneath pledges of shared civilizational futures and energy corridors, an uncomfortable truth lingered as India remains a guest, not a player, in Central Asia’s great power theatre. Further, India’s internal socio-political landscape presents notable challenges that inadvertently shape its foreign policy credibility, particularly in the eyes of Central Asian nations. Persistent communal tensions — most visibly manifested in the Hindu-Muslim divide, the controversial demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1992, and the politically charged construction of the Ram Mandir — have deepened perceptions of religious polarization. Such domestic developments, while largely internal, resonate beyond India’s borders, especially in the Muslim-majority Central Asian republics, raising concerns about inclusivity and pluralism in India’s governance model. Simultaneously, India’s strained relations with key neighbors — Pakistan, and China, and increasingly volatile dynamics with Nepal, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka — have reinforced a regional image of discord and inconsistency. These internal and regional complexities contribute to a trust deficit, making Central Asian countries cautious in placing long-term strategic confidence in India. For New Delhi to emerge as a dependable partner in the region, addressing internal fissures and presenting a coherent, inclusive national vision is as vital as economic or diplomatic outreach. Central Asia sits at the center of ancient trade routes and modern geopolitical competition. For India, its importance is twofold: the region is a bridge to Eurasia and a repository of energy resources critical to India’s growing economy. But India’s historical connectivity to Central Asia — through the Silk Road, shared cultural legacies, and spiritual exchanges — has, for decades, been overshadowed by geographic and political barriers, notably the lack of direct overland access due to Pakistan. Recognizing these constraints, the dialogue showcased a strategic pivot. India reaffirmed its commitment to enhancing regional connectivity through the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) and the Chabahar Port in Iran. While geopolitical instability in Iran and Afghanistan poses challenges, India's emphasis on multimodal routes demonstrates pragmatic flexibility. In an era defined by supply chain resilience and multipolar geopolitics, connectivity is no longer just an infrastructure question — it is a currency of influence. The dialogue also addressed the evolving regional security architecture. India’s proposal for counter-terrorism cooperation, capacity building, and intelligence sharing was timely and necessary. However, the dialogue echoed with familiar refrains, viz. civilizational bonds, shared destiny, and multipolar cooperation. Yet beneath the diplomatic choreography lies a haunting question. Can India transcend its historical role as Central Asia’s cultural cousin to become its strategic confidant? History whispers caution. The Burden of History: From Silk Roads to Shadow Roads For centuries, the Silk Road...

Italy Courts Central Asia: Trade, Transit, and Tech Take Center Stage

The inaugural Central Asia-Italy Summit, held on May 30, 2025, in Astana, marked a significant step in international diplomacy. It established a new framework for dialogue between the European Union and Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan. The participation of the leaders of all five Central Asian nations alongside Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni underscores the region’s growing strategic and economic relevance. Bilateral Meetings Ahead of the summit, extended talks took place between Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev and Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni. Tokayev emphasized the depth and stability of bilateral ties, describing Italy as a key strategic partner. Trade between the two nations grew by 24% in 2024, reaching $20 billion. Italy is Kazakhstan’s third-largest trading partner and a major investor, with approximately $7.6 billion invested over the past two decades. Over 270 Italian companies currently operate in Kazakhstan. [caption id="attachment_32447" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] @akorda[/caption] Meloni praised the relationship as “exceptional,” highlighting Italy’s interest in expanding cooperation across trade, energy, and humanitarian domains. A pivotal outcome of the meeting was the signing of a Joint Statement on Strengthening Strategic Partnerships. [caption id="attachment_32448" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] @akorda[/caption] Additional agreements included: Security and Migration - Readmission agreement; Resources and Critical Materials - Cooperation on strategic mineral extraction; Investment and Industrial Development - Agreements involving Samruk-Kazyna, Maire Tecnimont, and Ansaldo; Water Management and Ecology - Memorandum with the Italian engineering association OICE; Finance and Project Lending - Agreements with Cassa Depositi e Prestiti and SACE SpA; Energy and Exports - Agreements with Samruk-Energo and Kazakh Invest. President Tokayev also met with Turkmen President Serdar Berdimuhamedov, emphasizing cultural and economic ties and expressing hope for the realization of joint projects. [caption id="attachment_32449" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] @akorda[/caption] Kazakhstan's Proposals Tokayev outlined proposals for expanding economic, technological, and humanitarian cooperation with Italy. He called for the development of logistics infrastructure and proposed establishing an Italian trading house in Almaty and launching the "Businessmen Plus Italy" platform. Tokayev highlighted Kazakhstan’s readiness to boost oil exports, already over 30 million tons in 2023, a 27% increase from the previous year, and expand exports of over 100 goods valued at $1 billion, particularly non-resource items. He also proposed increased cooperation in agro-industry and emphasized aligning certification standards with the EU. Kazakhstan invited Italian firms to participate in rare earth exploration under a model of “investment and technology in exchange for strategic raw materials.” Joint ventures in textiles, furniture, pharmaceuticals, and machinery were also encouraged. Tokayev stressed decarbonization as a national priority and praised Italian investments in renewable energy. He proposed collaboration on green hydrogen and ammonia production and urged Italy to engage with the Global Biofuels Alliance. [caption id="attachment_32450" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] @akorda[/caption] In education and research, Tokayev invited Italian technical universities to open branches in Kazakhstan, noting that 4,000 Kazakhstani students currently study in Italy. He proposed joint efforts in AI and innovation, including participation in the new Central Asia-EU Innovation Campus at the Astana Hub. Transport infrastructure also featured prominently. Tokayev advocated for integrating the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route (TMTR)...