Our People > Aliya Haidar

Aliya Haidar

Journalist

Aliya Haidar is a Kazakhstani journalist. She started her career in 1998, and has worked in the country's leading regional and national publications ever since.

Articles

Geopolitics

Political Analyst Karazhanov: Stability Is Central Asia’s Greatest Advantage

International events where Kazakhstan and Central Asia present their agenda and demonstrate the benefits of predictability bring significant advantages to the region. In an interview with The Times of Central Asia, Kazakh political analyst Zamir Karazhanov explains how the region is gradually changing its approach to addressing key challenges. According to Karazhanov, Kazakhstan and other Central Asian countries, particularly Uzbekistan, have recently begun positioning themselves on the international stage in a far more pragmatic and modern way. A prime example is the speech delivered on April 17 by Kazakhstan’s President, Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, at the Antalya Diplomacy Forum in Turkey. Observers noted that Tokayev outlined the role Kazakhstan is seeking to play in the evolving geopolitical landscape. The key message was that global governance is becoming less effective through traditional institutions, while the role of so-called “middle powers” is increasing. These countries may not define the global order on their own, but they are capable of promoting peaceful solutions, engaging in dialogue, and offering predictability. In addition, on April 22, Astana hosted the first Regional Environmental Summit (RES), which brought together around 1,500 participants from Central Asia, the European Union, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and the Middle East. The forum aimed to develop practical solutions to environmental and climate challenges facing both the Eurasia region and the wider world. During the discussions, representatives of Central Asian countries presented a realistic assessment of environmental issues and proposed a number of solutions. Environmental Threats Karazhanov noted that Kazakhstan has long faced difficult environmental conditions. “In addition to urban pollution, we have zones of ecological disaster, such as the Aral Sea. The country [Kazakhstan] hosts numerous extractive industries, and it is landlocked, located deep within the continent. Any environmental catastrophe here would have far more severe consequences than in countries without such constraints. Climate change is intensifying, temperatures are rising, and Central Asia is already experiencing acute water shortages. Without timely measures, the situation could become critical,” he said. According to him, Kazakhstan has long been dealing with environmental migration and has proactively begun building the necessary legal and social frameworks. Conflicts over water resources have already occurred in Central Asia. Karazhanov emphasized the importance of including representatives of countries that regulate the region’s water systems in the Astana forum. “This creates an opportunity for dialogue. Take the example of the two rivers that feed the Aral Sea, the Amu Darya and Syr Darya. At one point, Kyrgyzstan suspended its participation in the International Fund for Saving the Aral Sea because it felt its interests were constrained. It is essential to create a platform where all five countries in the region are satisfied with water distribution,” he said. He also highlighted Afghanistan as an increasingly important factor that has not been fully accounted for. As the country rebuilds after decades of conflict, its agriculture and other sectors will expand, increasing demand for water from transboundary rivers. “That is why the summit should be viewed in the broader context of regional development and good neighborly...

3 days ago

parliamentary elections

How Kazakhstan Is Preparing for Parliamentary Elections

Kazakhstan is preparing for a major political reset centered on the introduction of a unicameral parliament, the Kurultai. Until now, legislative power in the country has been exercised by two chambers, the Mazhilis and the Senate. On April 10, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev announced that elections would take place in August 2026. According to Tokayev, political parties will have a clear planning horizon and enough time to prepare for the campaign and voter outreach. A Stage Already Passed In 2023, Kazakhstan introduced significant changes to its political system. For the first time in 19 years, a mixed electoral model was used in elections to the lower chamber, the Mazhilis. Under this system, 69 deputies were elected via party lists, while 29 were chosen in single-member constituencies, allowing candidates to run independently of party affiliation. This option has now been removed, although the reasons remain unclear. These reforms were presented as part of a broader democratization effort. In the 2023 parliamentary elections, six parties passed the 5% threshold. Amanat, formerly Nur Otan, won 53.9% of the vote, followed by Auyl with 10.9%, Respublica with 8.59%, Aq Jol with 8.41%, the People’s Party of Kazakhstan with 6.8%, and the Nationwide Social Democratic Party (OSDP) with 5.2%. The Baytaq party received 2.3% and did not enter parliament. In practice, however, Amanat has remained the most active force in the Mazhilis. Some initiatives from Aq Jol, traditionally focused on business interests, have also stood out, while other parties have been less visible to voters. Amanat has advantages not available to other parties, including the presence of many senior officials in its ranks. The Auyl party was expected to represent agrarian and conservative interests, but its initiatives have not been clearly articulated. The OSDP, which has long positioned itself as an opposition party, previously claimed it was excluded from parliament. However, once represented in the Mazhilis, its initiatives have largely focused on narrow issues and have had limited impact on the broader political agenda. The People’s Party of Kazakhstan, once known for raising sharp issues, has been less active in the current parliament. Against this backdrop, Aq Jol has been comparatively stronger, showing a greater ability to shape the agenda and articulate clear positions. Baytaq has occupied an environmental niche, but despite the country’s significant ecological challenges, its voice has remained faint, making its prospects of entering the Kurultai uncertain. Respublica, a new party founded by young entrepreneurs, has also struggled to produce notable results. A potential eighth party, Adilet, may soon join the seven officially registered parties. The party has announced its launch and begun the registration process, though it has yet to name a formal leader. Some political analysts have described Adilet as a pro-government party. Political analyst Daniyar Ashimbayev noted that the concept of multiple pro-government parties is not new in Kazakhstan and suggested that some deputies could shift to Adilet by July. Systemic Criticism Political parties represented in parliament are regularly criticized by analysts for holding positions that closely align with Amanat...

3 days ago

Economic Growth

Why Strong Economic Growth in Central Asia Masks Underlying Risks

Central Asian countries are significantly outperforming the global average in GDP growth, largely due to differing economic models across the region. However, rapid expansion does not remove deep structural vulnerabilities. As early as March, data showed that the combined economies of Central Asian countries grew by nearly 7% in 2025 compared to the previous year. The World Bank estimates regional growth at 6.2%, while the Eurasian Development Bank (EDB) places it at 6.6%. These calculations include Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan; Turkmenistan is excluded due to limited statistical transparency. By comparison, growth rates in advanced economies are much lower. The EDB expects around 1.6% growth in the U.S. and approximately 1.1% in the eurozone in 2026, while China’s economy is projected to expand by about 4.6%. Nevertheless, experts note that the region’s economic outlook remains complicated by high inflation, income inequality, and continued dependence on external factors. Investment activity and domestic demand have been the key drivers of growth, according to the EDB. Kazakhstan recorded its highest growth in 13 years (6.5%), with industry leading the expansion: mining grew by 9.4% and manufacturing by 6.4%. In 2026, the non-resource sector is expected to play a greater role. Kyrgyzstan has led the region in GDP growth for the third consecutive year: GDP grew by 11.1% in 2025 and by 9% in January 2026. In Uzbekistan, GDP increased by 7.7% in 2025 (up from 6.7% a year earlier), supported by investment, trade, services, and construction. Tajikistan’s GDP rose by 8.4% in 2025, matching the previous year’s performance. Growth continues to be driven by expanding industrial production and strong domestic demand. Early 2026 data suggest this momentum is holding. Uzbekistan’s Record In April, the World Bank highlighted Uzbekistan’s resilience to external challenges and strong growth dynamics. According to its updated report, the country’s 2025 GDP growth was revised upward by 1.5 percentage points to 7.7%. The outlook is 6.4% for 2026 and 6.7% for 2027. Key drivers include high global gold prices, investment inflows, expanded lending, and ongoing structural reforms. Rising household incomes have also played an important role, supported by remittances, which increased by 37% last year to reach $18.9 billion. By the end of 2025, Uzbekistan ranked among the fastest-growing economies in developing countries in Europe and Central Asia, alongside Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. The region as a whole is experiencing its highest growth rates in 14 years. At the same time, analysts point to persistent structural constraints, including a large public sector and the dominance of state-owned enterprises, which hinder private sector development. External risks, including geopolitical instability and potential disruptions in energy and fertilizer supplies, remain significant. In 2025, Uzbekistan’s GDP exceeded €133 billion, compared to approximately €56 billion nine years earlier. Over the same period, GDP per capita rose from about €1,750 to around €3,220, nearly doubling average income levels. Investment in fixed capital increased by more than 15% year-on-year in 2025, while export value grew by over 33%. Persistently high global gold prices played a major role: export...

1 week ago

Freedom in the World

Central Asia Pushes Back on “Not Free” Label as Debate Over Rankings Grows

According to Freedom House’s Freedom in the World 2026 report, all five countries in Central Asia are classified as “Not Free.” Nevertheless, governments in the region are increasingly questioning the impartiality of such assessments. At the same time, some regional experts point to ongoing political and economic reforms as signs that the region is making progress. A “Not Free” Region In its report released on March 19, 2026, Freedom House classifies all five Central Asian states as "Not Free." The designation is based on Freedom House’s assessment of political rights and civil liberties. According to the report’s authors, the ranking reflects pressure on independent media, tightening control over civil society, and the absence of genuine political competition. Kazakhstan received 23 points out of 100. The report highlights restrictions on opposition groups and civil society activists, pressure on independent journalism, and tightly managed elections that do not ensure genuine political competition. Kyrgyzstan, long considered the most politically open country in the region, scored 25 out of 100 and was also classified as “Not Free.” The organization says the score fell by one point from the previous year, reflecting continued pressure on independent media, the designation of several outlets as ‘extremist,’ and criminal cases against journalists, alongside concerns about election integrity. Uzbekistan scored 12 out of 100. Freedom House points to the concentration of power in the executive branch, the absence of a genuine parliamentary opposition, and severe restrictions on independent human rights defenders and journalists. Since President Shavkat Mirziyoyev took office in 2016, Uzbekistan has pursued a series of controlled political and economic reforms aimed at opening the country after decades of isolation. These have included currency liberalization, efforts to end the use of forced labor in the cotton sector, and steps to ease restrictions on business and foreign investment. While critics say political liberalization remains limited, supporters argue the reforms mark a significant shift from the policies of the previous era. Tajikistan received just 5 points. The report highlights the long rule of President Emomali Rahmon, the elimination of legal opposition, systematic persecution of its members and their families, and a de facto lack of electoral competition. Turkmenistan recorded one of the lowest scores globally, with just 1 point. The report describes the country as one of the most repressive in the world, citing total state control over political life and the media, the absence of opposition participation in elections, and harsh punishment for dissent. Turkmenistan remains one of the most closed countries in the world, with extremely limited access for foreign media and independent observers. Political life is tightly controlled, and reliable information about internal developments is scarce. While the authorities have signaled gradual generational change following the 2022 transfer of power to President Serdar Berdimuhamedov, there has been little visible shift in the country’s political system. Impartiality in Doubt? Trust in international assessments has also been affected by developments in U.S. foreign aid policy and a wider shift in global perceptions about the appropriateness of Western-linked organizations categorising...

3 weeks ago

Kashagan

Kazakhstan Expands Kashagan Legal Fight as Arbitration and Claims Mount

For several years, Kazakhstan has been engaged in arbitration proceedings worth billions of dollars, many of which have been conducted behind closed doors. Recently, new details have emerged about one of the largest disputes, involving the North Caspian Operating Company (NCOC). The dispute stems from environmental violations identified during a 2022 inspection at the Kashagan field. Environmental authorities found that the operator, NCOC, had stored approximately 1.2 million tons of sulfur in excess of permitted limits. As a result, the company faced a fine of around $5 billion. Kashagan is one of the largest and most technically complex offshore oil fields ever discovered, with proven hydrocarbon reserves estimated at 4.65 billion tons. The consortium includes seven major international energy companies: KazMunayGas (16.88%); Eni (16.81%); Shell (16.81%); ExxonMobil (16.81%); TotalEnergies (16.81%); CNPC (8.33%); and INPEX Ltd (7.56%). A lawsuit was filed by all consortium members except KazMunayGas, Kazakhstan’s national oil company. The field has long been central to Kazakhstan’s oil production and relations with international investors. Kazakhstan’s interests in the Kashagan dispute are represented by the Ministry of Ecology and the Ministry of Justice. According to the Vice Minister of Justice, Daniel Vaisov, a trial court has already ruled in favor of the state. “A first-instance court has ruled in Kazakhstan, recognizing the state’s position as lawful. Six contractors — excluding KazMunayGas — filed an appeal in March,” Vaisov said. NCOC challenged the environmental inspection results. In June 2023, a court in Astana partially upheld the company’s claims. However, this was overturned in February 2024, when an appellate court ruled in favor of the government, confirming the inspection’s legality. Subsequent developments have further complicated the case. In August 2025, an Astana court overturned the environmental agency’s order, citing procedural violations. The case is once again under appeal. At the same time, the contractors have challenged the $5 billion fine through international arbitration. The proceedings are set to take place in Washington at the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID), where the arbitral tribunal is currently being formed, Vaisov said. The case is being closely watched as a test of how far Kazakhstan is willing to push legal pressure on major Western energy investors. Separately, Kazakhstan is pursuing much larger claims against Kashagan consortium members under the production-sharing agreement. In May 2024, Kazakhstan’s Ministry of Energy said claims against Kashagan project developers could reach up to $150 billion. Initially, the government sought $15 billion from NCOC. It later increased its claims by a further $138 billion, citing lost profits linked to oil volumes that investors had committed to supply to the state. The Ministry of Energy has described the dispute as purely commercial, relating to Kazakhstan’s rights under the production-sharing agreement. Officials maintain that the legal proceedings do not affect the investment standing of project participants. Separately, in January last year, an economic court in Astana ordered NCOC to pay 3.5 billion KZT (about $8 million) for excessive flaring of raw gas. In addition to Kashagan, Shell is involved in...

3 weeks ago