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From Migrant to Militant: Uzbekistan Sentences Jihadist

A district court in Uzbekistan just sentenced a 46-year-old Uzbek citizen, Obid Saparov from Kashkadarya Province, to 16 years in prison for joining the Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP) militant group and being involved in a 2022 rocket attack on an Uzbek border city. Saparov’s involvement with Islamic militant groups predates the rocket attack by nearly a decade, and the evidence gathered by investigators offers a rare and fascinating look at this Uzbek citizen’s journey into jihadism. From Migrant Laborer to Islamic Militant The beginnings of Saparov’s radicalization are a common story for hundreds of Central Asian citizens who joined militant groups in the Middle East or Afghanistan. Saparov went to Ufa, Russia, as a migrant laborer in June 2013. He found audio and video material on the internet produced by extremist groups such as the Islamic Movement of Turkestan and the “Jihodchilar” (“Jihadists). Saparov came into contact with members of the Jihadists in Ufa and in August 2013 left Russia for Baku, and from there went to Zahedan, Iran, and in March 2014 crossed into Afghanistan and eventually reached the town of Mirali in Waziristan, Pakistan. There, according to Uzbek media reports, he joined the Islamic Movement of Turkestan. The name of this group is interesting because in a kun.uz report, it mentions that when Saparov was in Ufa, some of the extremist material he found online was based on the ideas of Tohir Yuldash. Yuldash helped found the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) terrorist organization and led the group until he was killed in a U.S. drone strike in Pakistan in August 2009. The IMU aimed to overthrow the Uzbek government and staged armed incursions into Uzbekistan in 1999 and 2000. The IMU were allies of the Taliban and were in Afghanistan when the U.S.-led military operations started in late 2001. The IMU suffered heavy losses, and the remnants of the group, including Yuldash, fled across the border into Pakistan. Ten Years of Militancy Saparov underwent training at camps in Pakistan after he arrived, and later worked in a militant “supply center.” According to the Uzbek media reports, the Islamic Movement of Turkestan splintered at the start of 2016, and Saparov joined a militant group from the Islamic State that was operating in Jalalabad, Afghanistan. The IMU was still based in Pakistan in August 2015 when its leader, Usman Ghazi, swore an oath to the Islamic State, and the IMU split. Part of the IMU followed Ghazi into Afghanistan (where most were killed in fighting in Zabul and Herat provinces), and most of the others went into northeastern Afghanistan. However, the ISKP did have a presence in Jalalabad that lasted until after the Taliban returned to power in August 2021. Uzbek investigators said Saparov joined the ISKP and was with the group from 2016 to 2024. Saparov was involved in staging attacks in Jalalabad, Kunduz, Mazar-i-Sharif, and Kabul. Saparov’s group fought against the Afghan government and foreign troops, and against the Taliban. Saparov was also engaged in...

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Former Justice Minister From ‘Old Kazakhstan’ Sentenced to Nine Years in Prison

Former Minister of Justice Marat Beketayev has been sentenced to nine years in prison with confiscation of property for crimes linked to large-scale corruption. Beketayev is widely regarded as a representative of the "Old Kazakhstan" of the first president, Nursultan Nazarbayev, a term widely used to describe officials removed from power in the wake of the January 2022 unrest and associated with systemic corruption. Verdict Handed Down The Anti-Corruption Service of Kazakhstan announced on June 30 that Beketayev was convicted of fraud, embezzlement on an especially large scale, and illegal participation in entrepreneurial activities. Details of the case remain classified. The charges were formally submitted to the court in March 2025. Beketayev served as Minister of Justice from 2016 until early 2022. Following the January unrest, he was appointed as an advisor to the Prime Minister but was quietly dismissed in December 2022, a fact that only became public knowledge in February 2023. He was detained in October 2023 while allegedly attempting to flee the country. According to investigators, he abused his office by lobbying for the interests of an affiliated company and awarding it annual contracts for unnecessary services, actions that reportedly inflicted significant financial damage on the state. Fallout from the January Events Beketayev’s dismissal came immediately after the events known in Kazakhstan as "Bloody January" (Qantar), when protests initially triggered by rising liquefied gas prices escalated into nationwide unrest. From January 3-7, 2022, major cities were engulfed in chaos. Government buildings, law enforcement agencies, and military units were attacked; 238 people were reportedly killed, including children and police officers. The worst violence occurred in Almaty, where protesters stormed the city administration, the president’s residence, and the airport. Order was restored on January 8 with the intervention of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), at the request of President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev. Open-source information and official investigations suggest the unrest was orchestrated by supporters of former president Nursultan Nazarbayev, who had stepped down in 2019 after nearly 30 years in power. In the aftermath, many high-ranking officials were removed or prosecuted. Among them was former Prime Minister and National Security Committee (KNB) Chairman Karim Massimov, who was sentenced to 18 years in prison for orchestrating what authorities describe as a coup attempt. Nazarbayev’s nephews, Samat Abish and Kairat Satybaldy, also faced charges. Abish received an eight-year suspended sentence due to his "sincere repentance," while Satybaldy, accused of economic crimes, paid approximately 700 billion tenge ($1.5 billion) in restitution and was released. The post-Qantar purge extended to numerous grassroots organizers and ordinary citizens involved in the unrest. In political discourse, the divide between Tokayev's supporters and the remnants of Nazarbayev’s influence is often described as a split between "New Kazakhstan" and "Old Kazakhstan." Beketayev’s Legacy and Links to Major Scandals Beketayev is considered an ally of Massimov and thus part of the old power structure. He was also involved in one of Kazakhstan’s most controversial international legal disputes, the case involving Moldovan businessmen Anatol and Gabriel Stati. In 2017, $22...

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International Human Rights Defenders Demand Release of Turkmen Activist

Turkmen civil activist Murat Dushemov, who has completed a four-year prison sentence, was not released on June 14 as expected. Instead, he was transferred to a pre-trial detention facility in Turkmenabat just days before his anticipated release. Sentence Served, Yet No Freedom According to Turkmen.News, new criminal charges were filed against Dushemov following an alleged altercation with another inmate, an incident human rights defenders claim was fabricated. Dushemov asserts he was framed in a deliberate provocation: "The person who filed the complaint started hitting the wall, injuring himself, and smearing the wall with blood. They want to slander me again to prolong my stay here," he said. Human rights advocates argue the authorities are using these new accusations as a tactic to extend Dushemov's imprisonment. Retaliation for Criticism Dushemov was arrested in 2021 and sentenced to four years on charges of extortion and bodily harm. International watchdogs have consistently stated that the charges were politically motivated. Prior to his arrest, Dushemov had openly criticized the Turkmen government's COVID-19 policies, questioning the legal basis for mask mandates and mandatory vaccination, which he refused to comply with. One allegation involved the chief doctor of a medical facility, whom Dushemov allegedly blackmailed by threatening to release a compromising video. Another accusation stemmed from a supposed provocation in prison, where two inmates, allegedly encouraged by authorities, fought each other and later claimed Dushemov had assaulted them. Global Advocacy Five human rights groups, including the Norwegian Helsinki Committee, Turkmen.News, the Turkmen Human Rights Initiative, the International Partnership for Human Rights, and the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia, have issued a joint statement calling for Dushemov’s immediate release. They condemned the new charges as retaliation for his civic activism: “The authorities must drop the new criminal charges brought against civil society activist Murat Dushemov as clear retaliation for his activities and release him immediately,” they stated. The groups also urged Turkmenistan’s international partners to exert diplomatic pressure on Ashgabat to halt its persecution of activists and journalists. Human Rights Watch echoed this call, stating on June 25 that the Turkmen authorities must “immediately and unconditionally release activist Murat Dushemov and end all abuses aimed at prolonging his detention.” The case of Murat Dushemov illustrates the ongoing suppression of dissent in Turkmenistan. Despite growing international criticism, the government continues to use the criminal justice system as a tool to silence civil society.

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Uzbekistan Extends Sentences for Religious Prisoners Amid Longstanding Security Fears

Two Muslim prisoners of conscience in Uzbekistan — both previously jailed for nonviolent religious activity — have had their sentences extended in recent months under charges that human rights observers describe as vague and politically motivated. While the cases have drawn criticism from international monitors, they also highlight the Uzbek government’s enduring fears over political Islam, concerns shaped by geography, history, and national security calculations. Tulkun Astanov, a 54-year-old activist originally imprisoned in 2020 for defending the rights of fellow Muslims, was sentenced to an additional three years and two months in a strict-regime labor camp this May. Authorities accused him of refusing to attend morning exercises in prison and of disobeying lawful orders. Astanov, who has suffered multiple strokes in custody, submitted a written request to be excused from physical activity on medical grounds — documentation which was reportedly dismissed by prison officials. His family and legal counsel contend the new case was fabricated to prevent his scheduled release later this year. The U.S. State Department has documented repeated concerns about his treatment in its 2022 International Religious Freedom Report. A second prisoner, Fariduddin Abduvokhidov, 30, was arrested in 2020 after participating in private Islamic study circles. He was originally given an 11-year sentence, but earlier this year, his term was extended twice: by ten years in March and an additional year in April. According to his family, the new charges relate to alleged "religious propaganda" while in detention. They say he was not fully informed of the basis of the charges and declined to appeal, citing emotional fatigue and lack of faith in the process. International monitors, including Human Rights Watch, have raised alarm about Uzbekistan’s use of vague extremism provisions to prosecute peaceful religious expression. Trials are often held behind closed doors, with little transparency or legal recourse for defendants. In both cases, court documents have not been made available to families or the public. Uzbekistan shares a 144-kilometer border with Afghanistan, where groups like the Taliban and ISIS-K remain active. During the 1990s and early 2000s, Uzbekistan suffered violent attacks from the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU), a jihadist group aligned with the Taliban and later al-Qaeda. Those experiences left a lasting impact on both policymakers and public opinion, contributing to an enduring suspicion of independent Islamic activism. Several OECD democracies, including France, Belgium, and Austria, have enacted bans on face coverings in public. While controversial, those policies were introduced through public debate and are subject to judicial review. In Uzbekistan, by contrast, the lack of independent courts, competitive elections, and free media means that state regulation of religion is rarely subject to institutional checks. Uzbekistan has made real progress in other aspects of governance. Since independence in 1991, the country has implemented reforms in public administration, economic policy, and digital infrastructure, and it is currently pursuing accession to the World Trade Organization. Engagement with the OECD and OSCE has also deepened. For many observers, Uzbekistan’s evolution will be gradual, and should be allowed to proceed...

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Tajik Asylum Seeker Wins UK Appeal Over Fear of Forced Beard Shaving

A Tajik man has been granted the right to remain in the United Kingdom after successfully arguing that he would face persecution in his home country for refusing to shave his beard. The case, first reported by The Telegraph, underscores how personal religious expression can form the basis of asylum claims. The asylum seeker, whose identity remains undisclosed, had his initial claim rejected by the UK Home Office. On appeal, he argued that Tajik authorities routinely detain bearded men, forcibly shave them, and collect their fingerprints. He maintained that he would only shave his beard out of fear of harm, not due to personal preference or societal expectations. Tajikistan has in recent years pursued an unofficial campaign linking beards to religious extremism. A BBC investigation found that in one region alone, police forcibly shaved nearly 13,000 men as part of an “anti-radicalisation” drive. Human Rights Watch has similarly documented cases of men with beards being detained, fingerprinted, and groomed under duress. The appellant’s legal team contended that his beard is a core element of his religious identity as a practicing Muslim, and that being compelled to shave it under threat would constitute a violation of his human rights. The appeal was evaluated under Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights, which prohibits torture and inhuman or degrading treatment. In his ruling, Deputy Judge Parminder Saini of the UK’s Upper Tribunal stated that the initial judge failed to adequately assess the true reasons the man would remove his beard. “If he wears a beard out of religious conviction but will conform for reasons of securing his safety, he may be entitled to international protection,” Saini wrote. The judge also noted that credible background evidence, such as widespread reports of arbitrary detentions and forced grooming, had not been properly considered in the original decision. “Thousands of Tajik men have had their beards forcibly shaved. These examples were relevant and should have informed the tribunal’s decision,” he added. The case has been remanded to the First-tier Tribunal for a fresh hearing. This ruling illustrates how deeply personal expressions of faith, such as maintaining a beard, can warrant legal protection when in conflict with state practices in the country of origin. It also reflects the complex legal and evidentiary hurdles asylum seekers must overcome to prove a credible fear of persecution.

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Bans and Beliefs: Understanding Central Asia’s Most Controversial Restrictions

A recent controversy involving the Spiritual Administration of Muslims of Kazakhstan (SAMK) has reignited public debate over seemingly bizarre bans in Central Asia. SAMK was asked to comment on whether popular video games such as Counter-Strike 2, Dota 2, GTA, League of Legends, Minecraft, and Genshin Impact are permissible under Islamic law. SAMK responded that, from a Sharia perspective, all of these games are prohibited. The public interpreted this as an official ban, possibly even a fatwa, sparking a media uproar. But the reaction wasn’t unfounded: Central Asian republics often make headlines with prohibitions that, from the outside, can appear surreal. Yet, context often provides a more nuanced explanation. Turkmenistan: The Regional Champion of Bans Turkmenistan remains unmatched in its record of curious restrictions. Under its first president, Saparmurat Niyazov, the state banned smoking in cars, mobile phones, radios, stereo systems, clowns, and lip-syncing. Public smoking was also prohibited, and officials were barred from having gold teeth. Other bans targeted personal appearance. Men were forbidden from wearing long hair, beards, or mustaches, while makeup was banned for television presenters. Niyazov justified the latter by claiming it was difficult to distinguish men from women on screen and that Turkmen women’s natural “wheat-colored” complexion should be visible. Cultural life was similarly curtailed. Niyazov abolished ballet, opera, the circus, and even the national folk dance ensemble. “I don’t understand ballet. Why do I need it?” he said. “You can’t instill a love for ballet in Turkmen people if it’s not in their blood”. His successor, Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, retained many of these restrictions, particularly the sweeping limitations on internet access. According to Turkmen.news, as of 2023, approximately 75% of global IP addresses were blocked in Turkmenistan. The list of banned platforms includes Facebook, Instagram, TikTok, Telegram, YouTube, WhatsApp, and X (formerly Twitter). Cloud services such as Google Cloud, Microsoft Azure, and Dropbox are also blocked, along with most public DNS servers and online games such as Minecraft, Dota 2, and League of Legends. Dushanbe Follows Suit Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan are not alone in targeting video games. In 2024, the Interior Ministry in Tajikistan’s capital, Dushanbe, banned the distribution of games and video clips deemed violent or immoral. Authorities argued that such content negatively influenced youth behavior and contributed to crime. Games like Counter-Strike and GTA were explicitly named. Tajikistan has also imposed a range of non-digital bans. In 2018, the Committee for Architecture and Construction ordered that rooftops follow a citywide color scheme: green on one side of the river, burgundy on the other. The directive was short-lived. That same year, the mayor banned wearing house clothes, galoshes, and slippers in public, citing the need to uphold the capital’s dignity. The city also outlawed drying laundry on balconies to preserve the urban aesthetic. While these rules may seem odd, they reflect the ongoing transformation of societies that, until recently, were largely agrarian. Urbanization has brought with it an effort to instill new norms and behaviors. Sorcery, Beards, and Dress Codes This same logic applies...