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Islam and National Identity

Dombra Dispute and Niqab Bans Fuel Religious Debate in Central Asia

Standing before a court in Aktobe in June, 35-year-old Azat Konys apologized to “the entire Kazakh people” for insulting one of the country’s most cherished cultural symbols. Two months earlier, during a TikTok livestream, he had declared the dombra forbidden under Islam, compared the two-stringed instrument to part of the devil’s anatomy and called clerics from Kazakhstan’s official Islamic authority “dogs of hell.” Konys asked the court not to imprison him. The judge instead sentenced him to three years and six months for inciting religious and national hatred. The controversy began when Konys cited the Hanafi school of Sunni Islamic jurisprudence, the dominant legal tradition among Muslims in Kazakhstan, to argue that the dombra and other stringed instruments, including the guitar and balalaika, were haram, meaning forbidden under Islamic law. The remarks caused particular anger because the dombra is more than a musical instrument in Kazakhstan: it has accompanied oral poetry and storytelling for generations and is officially celebrated as a symbol of cultural heritage and national identity. Police identified Konys after clips from the livestream circulated on social media and detained him in April. The case is an unusually stark example of how online religious disputes are spilling into legal and political life across Central Asia. Arguments that might once have remained within mosques or religious communities are now spreading through social media, forcing governments and official Islamic authorities alike to decide where religious expression ends and attacks on national culture begin. A more recent controversy arose in Kazakhstan’s Turkestan Region, where a 66-year-old guest at a toi, a traditional wedding feast, called for stricter adherence to Islamic law. He urged the organizers to separate men and women and remove music and alcohol from the celebration, while describing musicians as “heralds of Satan.” The video spread rapidly on social media, prompting nationwide debate. The man was detained and placed in a temporary detention facility for incitement of religious and social hatred. In a statement, the Ministry of Internal Affairs said that freedom of expression does not extend to statements that degrade the dignity of others or could provoke religious or social hostility. The Spiritual Administration of Muslims of Kazakhstan (SAMK), the country’s main official Muslim body, later issued its own response. It stated that Islam does not prohibit music in itself and stressed that publicly insulting artists or women is inconsistent with Islamic ethics. Another controversy centered on Nauryz, the spring equinox holiday celebrated throughout Central Asia and across much of the Turkic and Iranian cultural world. In March, a blogger in the Almaty Region described the holiday as “non-Muslim” and argued that it should not be celebrated. Police opened a criminal case against him on suspicion of inciting religious hatred. Kazakhstan’s Prosecutor General’s Office subsequently warned of legal liability for statements attacking Nauryz and other national traditions. The SAMK, meanwhile, publicly celebrated Nauryz as a national holiday promoting social harmony and charitable acts. The debate soon spread beyond social media into politics and the entertainment industry. Producer and television presenter Bayan Alaguzova said...

Bride Kidnapping

Bride Kidnapping in Central Asia: Why the Practice Persists Despite Tougher Laws

Bride kidnapping for the purpose of forcing women into marriage remains one of the least visible forms of gender-based violence in Central Asia. Although abduction and coercion into marriage are punishable under criminal law across the region, the offenses are defined differently from country to country. Their true scale is difficult to measure. Many victims never report the crime, while some cases are still viewed as a continuation of tradition rather than a violation of criminal law. Over the past decade, governments across Central Asia have begun revising their approaches to the problem. Kyrgyzstan strengthened criminal penalties following several high-profile cases. Kazakhstan did not close a legal loophole that allowed many perpetrators to avoid prosecution until 2025. Uzbekistan has a specific criminal provision covering the abduction of women for marriage, while Tajikistan does not appear to define bride kidnapping as a separate offense. In Tajikistan and Turkmenistan, however, assessing the prevalence of the practice remains particularly difficult because of limited research and incomplete official data. The term “bride kidnapping” has not always referred to the same practice. Anthropologists note that historically it covered a range of marriage customs, from mutually agreed elopements and staged abductions to the violent kidnapping of women. Contemporary researchers stress that the presence or absence of a woman’s free consent is the key distinction between these practices. Comparable customs once existed among a number of Central Asian peoples. One documented motive has been the desire to avoid kalym, the traditional bride price paid by the groom’s family to the bride’s relatives. Economic motives, however, did not alter the nature of the crime when a woman did not consent to the marriage. The issue has been studied most extensively in Kyrgyzstan. A nationally representative survey conducted in 2015–2016 by the National Statistical Committee with support from UN Women, UNFPA, and the International Organization for Migration found that 22.1% of marriages involved some form of bride abduction. Of these, 16.3% were reported as taking place with the woman’s consent, while 5.8% occurred without it. The frequently cited claim that more than one in five Kyrgyz marriages begins with bride kidnapping therefore combines consensual and non-consensual practices. It should not be presented as an estimate of forced abduction. The figures were based on respondents’ accounts and may not capture every form of family or social pressure surrounding consent. Known locally as ala kachuu, or “grab and run,” the non-consensual abduction of a woman for marriage is a criminal offense in Kyrgyzstan. In 2013, the penalty for abducting an adult woman for marriage against her will was increased to between five and seven years in prison. The corresponding sentence when the victim was under 17 was increased to between five and ten years. Tougher penalties, however, have not prevented further tragedies. One of the best-known cases was the 2018 murder of Burulai Turdaaly Kyzy, a 20-year-old medical student. After she was abducted, her family contacted the police. Officers brought both Burulai and her abductor to a police station but left...

Kyrgyz-Uzbek Border

Kyrgyzstan Uncovers Suspected Smuggling Tunnel on Uzbek Border

Authorities in Kyrgyzstan have uncovered an underground tunnel on the border with Uzbekistan that is believed to have been built for smuggling goods, 24.kg reported, citing the Batken Regional Department of Internal Affairs. According to the police, officers from the department responsible for combating extremism and illegal migration received information that an underground passage was being constructed to move goods illegally across the border. During an inspection of an abandoned house on Mamazhanov Street in the village of Chechelik, Kadamjay District, investigators discovered a tunnel leading toward neighboring Uzbekistan. According to the regional police department, the tunnel is approximately 12 meters deep and 1.5 meters wide. The authorities have not disclosed its total length or confirmed whether it had already been used. The Batken regional police investigation service is examining the circumstances surrounding the tunnel. The discovery follows several similar cases in Central Asia. In April 2024, Kyrgyz authorities uncovered another underground passage in Jalal-Abad Region along the Uzbek border. Officials said the tunnel had been used to smuggle both people and goods, and police arrested an Uzbek citizen who had allegedly crossed the border through the passage. Kazakhstan has also reported similar discoveries. In December 2024, Kazakh and Uzbek authorities dismantled a smuggling operation involving a 450-meter tunnel in Turkistan Region. Investigators said the passage had been used for around two months to transport between five and seven metric tons of fuel into Uzbekistan each day. In July 2025, Kazakhstan’s Financial Monitoring Agency said the investigation had been completed and the case sent to court.

Gulnara Karimova

Swiss Court Fines Lombard Odier $3.7 Million in Karimova Money-Laundering Case

Switzerland’s Federal Criminal Court has fined Geneva-based private bank Lombard Odier 3 million Swiss francs, or about $3.68 million, after finding that it failed to take adequate organizational measures to prevent money laundering in a case linked to Gulnara Karimova, the eldest daughter of Uzbekistan’s late President Islam Karimov. The court also dismissed criminal proceedings against Karimova without ruling on the allegations against her. The ruling was delivered on July 27 in Bellinzona, following a trial that began in April. Swiss prosecutors had accused Karimova of accepting bribes and leading a criminal organization known as “The Office,” which allegedly channeled hundreds of millions of dollars through Swiss bank accounts between 2005 and 2013. Lombard Odier and one of its former account managers were accused of helping conceal assets derived from the group’s activities. The former employee was found guilty of aggravated money laundering. The court concluded that the bank had failed to take “all reasonable and necessary organizational measures” to prevent the offense. The former account manager, identified only as “C.,” received a fully suspended 24-month prison sentence. The court also ordered the confiscation in Switzerland of more than 400 million Swiss francs in assets originating from the money-laundering offense or controlled by “The Office.” In a statement, Lombard Odier said the case began after it voluntarily reported suspicious transactions to the Swiss authorities in 2012. It maintained that robust anti-money-laundering controls were in place and said it would appeal. The first-instance judgment is not final. The court dismissed the proceedings against Karimova on procedural grounds. The judges concluded that there was no realistic prospect of her release from prison in Uzbekistan or extradition to Switzerland before the limitation period expired. The court did not rule on the allegations against her. Proceedings were also dismissed against another defendant, identified only as “B.,” who lives in Russia and could not travel to Switzerland through no fault of his own. The sentences imposed on Lombard Odier and its former employee were reduced because of the time elapsed since the offenses in 2011 and 2012. Charges covering events before July 27, 2011, were dismissed as time-barred. Karimova, now 54, has consistently denied wrongdoing. She has been imprisoned in Uzbekistan since March 2019, when she was moved from house arrest after the authorities said she had breached its conditions. She is serving a 13-year sentence for offenses including organizing a criminal group, extortion, and embezzlement. The Swiss investigation began in 2012 and concerns conduct dating back more than two decades. In May 2025, the Federal Criminal Court joined the proceedings against Karimova and Lombard Odier. The wider international investigation has involved assets across several jurisdictions. Assets associated with Karimova in Switzerland, France, and the United States have previously been estimated at nearly $1.4 billion. The case has also led to efforts to return confiscated assets to Uzbekistan. In February 2025, Uzbekistan and Switzerland signed an agreement covering approximately $182 million confiscated by the Swiss authorities. The funds are to be transferred through the Uzbekistan...

Religion

Tajikistan Hijab Ban Denied by Authorities Amid Confusion

Tajik authorities have denied reports that the country has introduced a new ban on beards and hijabs, following renewed attention to the government’s regulation of religious dress and appearance. An official from Tajikistan’s Committee on Religion, Regulation of Traditions, Celebrations and Ceremonies told Asia-Plus that no new legislation prohibiting beards or hijabs had been adopted. The committee said recent reports had misrepresented the state of religious rights in Tajikistan and had relied on information from unreliable sources. The government statement followed a July 25 report by Azattyq Asia (RFE/RL) describing continued pressure on some men with beards and women wearing Islamic headscarves. Azattyq reported that officials had conducted campaigns encouraging women to wear traditional Tajik clothing and avoid styles regarded as foreign. Several men also alleged that police had detained them because of their facial hair, with some claiming that officers forcibly shaved their beards. One man told the outlet that he had been ordered to send police a photograph of his clean-shaven face each week after spending three days in detention. The police did not respond to Azattyq Asia’s request for comment on the allegation. There is no Tajik law explicitly prohibiting men from growing beards. However, the government has imposed broader restrictions on clothing and forms of religious expression. In June 2024, Tajikistan adopted amendments prohibiting the import, sale, promotion, and wearing in public of clothing deemed "alien to national culture". The Times of Central Asia reported at the time that violations could result in substantial fines, although the legislation did not clearly define which clothes fell under the prohibition. Officials have offered differing interpretations of the law. Some have said it covers hijabs, religious veils, abayas, and other forms of Islamic clothing, as well as ripped jeans and clothing considered excessively revealing. The government has said its policies are intended to preserve Tajik traditions and prevent religious extremism. Human rights organizations have argued that the restrictions interfere with freedom of religion and personal expression. International rights groups have called on Tajikistan to repeal the clothing provisions.

Amnesty

Kazakhstan Amnesty Clears $48 Million in Unpaid Fines

Kazakhstan has written off unpaid administrative fines for more than 680,000 people under the country’s first administrative amnesty, Prosecutor General Berik Asylov said. The amnesty was applied to 681,700 people in 1.3 million administrative cases in less than a month, according to Asylov. The canceled fines were worth 22.8 billion tenge, or approximately $48 million. Asylov published the figures in a post on X. The measure formed part of an amnesty signed on July 1, the day Kazakhstan’s new Constitution took effect. It extended an amnesty to selected administrative offenses for the first time, alongside provisions covering criminal cases. It covered unpaid fines imposed on Kazakh citizens, individual entrepreneurs, private notaries, private bailiffs, lawyers, and legal consultants. Fines imposed by courts were excluded, along with offenses considered too serious for clemency. According to Asylov, the amnesty nevertheless applied to violations under more than 380 articles of Kazakhstan’s Code of Administrative Offenses. The Times of Central Asia previously reported that the government announced plans for Kazakhstan’s first administrative amnesty after voters approved the new Constitution in a March referendum. The authorities said at the time that it would cover offenses that did not threaten public or national security. Recipients were not required to file applications or submit documents. Kazakhstan’s unified register of administrative proceedings identified eligible cases using the criteria set out in the law, allowing the authorities to issue decisions digitally. Asylov said people were informed by text message when their fines were canceled. Related enforcement proceedings were closed and restrictions were lifted. In at least one case cited by prosecutors, an impounded vehicle was returned to its owner. The broader amnesty law has also prompted questions about whether repeated acts of clemency are being used to correct penalties that were too severe in the first place. Lawyers and rights advocates interviewed by BES.media said the measure would ease the burden on convicted and fined individuals, while some argued that frequent amnesties may point to deeper problems in legislation and judicial practice. Lawyer Dzhokhar Utebekov told the outlet that amnesties effectively soften the impact of strict criminal laws and sentencing practices. Rights advocate Yevgeny Zhovtis criticized the importance placed on repayment of damages, which can shift financial pressure onto prisoners’ families, and the exclusion of some offenses that rights groups regard as politically sensitive. Former lawmaker Abzal Kuspan disputed that interpretation, telling BES.media that an amnesty is a separate act of state clemency and does not in itself indicate shortcomings in the courts. Those concerns relate mainly to the criminal provisions of the law. The administrative amnesty followed a more straightforward process, with eligible unpaid fines canceled according to predetermined criteria rather than through a new examination of each case. The criminal amnesty could affect about 16,500 people. Around 4,500 could be released or avoid punishment, including approximately 1,500 people held in prisons or other detention facilities, while more than 10,000 could have their sentences reduced.