Kyrgyzstan Justice - The Times Of Central Asia

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Cyberbullying

Cyberbullying in Central Asia: What Legal Protections Are There?

Cyberbullying has long ceased to be merely an argument on the internet. Insults, harassment in chats, the publication of humiliating photos and videos, coordinated mockery, threats, and the spread of false information can cause harm comparable to offline violence. In Central Asia, the problem is becoming increasingly visible, but legal responses still vary significantly. As of 2026, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan have incorporated bullying and cyberbullying into legislation more directly, while Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan continue to address such cases mainly through general provisions on insult, defamation, threats, child protection, and internet regulation. Kazakhstan has taken the most explicit legislative approach to cyberbullying. The law introduced an official definition: cyberbullying is understood as systematic actions, that is, actions committed two or more times of a humiliating nature against a child, including persecution and intimidation using internet resources. The law also grants a citizen or the legal representative of a child the right to submit a complaint to the authorized body regarding instances of cyberbullying against a child, specifying the relevant internet resource. At the same time, laws on children’s rights and education have formally incorporated the concept of child bullying, including acts committed through media and telecommunications networks. A further step was taken in 2024, when Article 127-2 (“Bullying of a Minor”) was added to Kazakhstan’s Code of Administrative Offenses. It provides for a warning or a fine, with higher penalties for repeated violations within a year. In December 2024, Kazinform reported that Kazakhstan became the first country in Central Asia to establish specific liability for the bullying and cyberbullying of children in a separate legal provision, which entered into force on June 16, 2024. It is also significant that the provision is now being applied in practice. According to data released in February 2026 by the Deputy Chair of the Committee for the Protection of Children’s Rights, around 200 cases of bullying and cyberbullying against children had been recorded in 2025. This figure is important not only in itself; it indicates that the state has begun systematically recording such incidents and that victims and their families are more likely to seek protection. The main strength of the Kazakh model is its clarity. The law explicitly defines the problem, outlines complaint procedures, and establishes specific liability. Its main limitation lies in implementation: as with domestic violence legislation, effectiveness depends on how prepared schools, parents, law enforcement, and online platforms are to apply it in practice. Uzbekistan: Cyberbullying Within the Child Protection Framework In Uzbekistan, there is no separate legal provision titled “cyberbullying,” but the country has taken a significant step in terms of child protection. The Law “On the Protection of Children from All Forms of Violence,” adopted on November 14, 2024, and in force since May 15, 2025, explicitly recognizes bullying as a form of violence against children. The law defines such violence as actions, including those carried out through telecommunications networks and the internet, that cause or may cause physical or psychological harm. The definition of bullying explicitly includes...

Court Cases

Minister Sydykov on the Bakai Bank Verdict and Kyrgyzstan’s Economic Path Forward

On April 13 in Washington, D.C., The Times of Central Asia’s Javier M. Piedra spoke with Kyrgyzstan’s Minister of Economy and Commerce, Bakyt Tolomushevich Sydykov, regarding the April 7 verdict in the “Bakai Bank vs. Open Dialogue Foundation” case before the Enterprise Court of Brussels - an important legal win for Kyrgyzstan and its stance in international financial markets. In a verdict with international implications for Kyrgyzstan and the region, the Enterprise Court of Brussels sided with Bakai Bank, a Kyrgyz financial institution, in connection with a high-profile defamation case between Bakai Bank and Open Dialogue Foundation (ODF) – finding that ODF published allegations about the bank’s financial conduct without sufficient evidence. The judgment marks a significant development in a cross-border reputational and financial dispute, setting a visible bar for accountability and offering a more balanced snapshot of Kyrgyz efforts to cultivate transparency and compliance in its banking sector. Kyrgyz government officials responded to the ruling with a practical and positive outlook, acknowledging that the country has prioritized policy, monitoring, and enforcement steps to bolster integrity and trust in its institutions. This ruling is expected to reinforce public confidence and strengthen the long-term resilience of Kyrgyzstan’s governance framework. In Washington D.C. this week, Sydykov told TCA that, “We welcome this decision not just as an affirmation of Bakai Bank, but also for our broader financial system. It helps to convey our message to policymakers, diplomats, investors, and partners that Kyrgyzstan is open for business – and a ready contributor to regional and international trade. Our financial institutions operate in line with international standards, compliance expectations, and responsible governance. We are glad to move forward with strengthening our banking system and growing Kyrgyzstan’s economy for the benefit of its citizens.” Case background The proceedings were brought before the French-speaking Enterprise Court of Brussels (Tribunal de l’entreprise francophone de Bruxelles) after Bakai Bank challenged a series of publications issued by the Open Dialogue Foundation in 2023. The NGO had alleged that Bakai Bank was involved in facilitating financial transactions linked to sanctions circumvention and networks connected to Russian capital flows following the expansion of Western sanctions in early 2022. Bakai Bank rejected these allegations as unsubstantiated and damaging to its international reputation and access to financial markets. It subsequently filed a civil action in Belgium, where the ODF is active and publishes much of its advocacy material. Court proceedings and findings In its judgment, the Brussels court examined whether the Open Dialogue Foundation had sufficient factual grounds to support its published claims. The court found that the NGO’s statements were presented as factually assertive allegations rather than opinion or conjecture, thereby requiring a higher evidentiary threshold. The court concluded that the ODF had failed to provide adequate supporting evidence for its assertions regarding Bakai Bank’s alleged involvement in illicit financial activity. As a result, the court determined that the publications were unlawful in their form and impact, particularly in relation to reputational harm inflicted on the bank. The ruling ordered the ODF...

Court Case

Kyrgyz Bank Wins Brussels Court Case Over Sanctions Accusations

Kyrgyzstan's Bakai Bank has announced victory in a Brussels court case against the non-governmental organization Open Dialogue Foundation (ODF), which had previously published materials calling for sanctions against the bank. The court said the allegations were not supported by sufficient evidence. According to the bank, it filed the lawsuit to protect its business reputation after the Open Dialogue Foundation published materials in 2023 calling for sanctions against the financial institution to be considered. The ODF publications alleged that the bank may have been involved in schemes to circumvent European Union anti-Russian sanctions. Bakai Bank denied these allegations and initiated legal proceedings in Brussels. According to the bank’s statement and reporting on the ruling, a Brussels court held that ODF had made serious allegations without sufficient evidence. As a result, the court ordered the organization to remove the relevant publications, publish the text of the court decision on the main page of its website, and reimburse legal costs. At the time of publication, the Open Dialogue Foundation had not publicly commented on the court's decision. Bakai Bank stated that the court's decision stands as confirmation of the allegations' groundlessness. "We welcome this decision, which confirms the lack of basis for the charges and protects the bank's business reputation. We consistently comply with international law and adhere to the principles of transparency in our operations," the bank's representatives said. Askat Alagozov, press secretary to the President of Kyrgyzstan, commented on the situation on social media. He noted that this is not the first time Kyrgyz banks have faced accusations of evading sanctions. Specifically, Keremet Bank has been sanctioned by the United States and the United Kingdom, while Capital Bank of Central Asia, also known as Kapital Bank, has been sanctioned by the United Kingdom. According to Alagozov, such measures are accusatory in nature, and no public evidence of violations has been presented. He also added that President Sadyr Japarov previously rejected such accusations and stated the country's readiness to conduct an independent international audit of the banking sector. Moreover, Capital Bank of Central Asia, one of the banks targeted by sanctions, is state-owned.

Power Struggle

Kyrgyzstan Faces Elite Realignment as Tashiyev Network Comes Under Pressure

In the last week, political tensions in Kyrgyzstan have risen following the arrest of Shairbek Tashiyev, the brother of Kamchybek Tashiyev, the former head of the State Committee for National Security (GKNB). Shairbek, a former member of the Jogorku Kenesh, Kyrgyzstan’s parliament, was detained on April 1 following questioning at the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The case unfolds against the backdrop of a widening rift between President Sadyr Japarov and his once long-time ally Tashiyev, who played a key role in helping Japarov consolidate power following the political upheaval of October 2020. After coming to power, President Japarov and Tashiyev built one of the most consolidated political tandems in Kyrgyzstan’s post-Soviet history, concentrating authority across the presidency, parliament, and security structures. In February, Tashiyev was removed from his position, followed by what observers described as a broader sidelining of his allies within security structures and parliament. This fueled speculation about a breakdown in the political partnership that had underpinned relative stability in recent years. Shairbek Tashiyev is now a central suspect in a corruption investigation involving the state-owned company Kyrgyzneftegaz. The Ministry of Internal Affairs announced the criminal case on March 17, following materials released by the State Tax Service alleging financial misconduct within the company. According to investigators, former executives of Kyrgyzneftegaz and affiliated private entities were detained shortly after the case was opened. A criminal case was initiated under Article 336 of the Criminal Code, alleging “Corruption.” Among those detained was former National Bank head Melis Turgunbayev, whose pretrial detention was later changed to house arrest by a court in Bishkek. It later emerged that another of those initially detained was Baigazy Matisakov, identified as a nephew of Kamchybek Tashiyev. He was subsequently released after reportedly reaching an agreement with investigators. On April 2, a court ordered Shairbek Tashiyev to remain in custody until May 16, 2026. His lawyer stated that he denies the charges and considers them unfounded. The investigation, led by the State Tax Service and the Ministry of Internal Affairs, covers Kyrgyzneftegaz’s operations from 2021 to 2025. Authorities allege total financial violations amounting to 4.1 billion soms (approximately $46.5 million), including lost profits and unpaid taxes. Investigators have outlined three main alleged schemes that they are continuing to investigate. The first involved intermediary companies allegedly linked to individuals close to the Tashiyev family, which resold oil to the Kyrgyz Petroleum Company refinery. The second involved the write-off of raw materials, with around 20,000 tons of oil reportedly classified as “technological losses” beyond established norms. The third concerned preferential sales, with diesel and fuel oil allegedly sold at below-market prices to favored companies. The case is being watched closely in Kyrgyzstan, where elite reshuffles have historically signaled broader political realignments rather than isolated legal actions. It remains unclear whether the investigation will expand further and implicate additional individuals connected to Tashiyev or what the potential impact could be on the broader political environment within the country.

Fraud

Telephone Scammers in Kyrgyzstan Begin Using AI Tools

Kyrgyzstan has recorded an increase in telephone fraud cases involving AI. According to law enforcement agencies, dozens of citizens have fallen victim to such schemes, with total losses amounting to millions of soms. Fraudsters use AI tools to imitate voices and images, posing as law enforcement officers, representatives of the National Bank, or acquaintances of their targets. Police say international criminal groups most often target pensioners and public sector employees, including teachers, doctors, and other government workers, whom they consider more susceptible to social engineering tactics. Complaints are received on a regular basis, but in most cases the transferred funds cannot be recovered. Ulan Berdibayev, head of the Internal Affairs Department of Bishkek’s Leninsky district, told The Times of Central Asia that the schemes are organized and cross-border in nature. According to him, the networks involve multiple actors, including psychologists, call operators, and recruiters of so-called “droppers.” The latter are responsible for withdrawing funds and registering bank cards and SIM cards in their own names to facilitate the transit of money. A dropper is an individual whose bank details are used to transfer and cash out stolen funds. They are typically offered a small reward for their participation, while the bulk of the proceeds goes to the organizers of the scheme. Law enforcement officials acknowledge that apprehending the organizers, who are usually located abroad, is extremely difficult. After passing through several bank transfers, the funds are often converted into cryptocurrency, making them even harder to trace. At the same time, police report that several droppers have been detained within Kyrgyzstan. They face charges under Article 209 of the Criminal Code, which stipulates penalties including fines or imprisonment with terms ranging from five to ten years, depending on the scale of the damage. A recent case drew particular attention when fraudsters used AI to generate a fake image of former State Committee for National Security head Kamchibek Tashiev and circulated messages urging people to install a pirated application that granted access to users’ banking services.

Freedom of Speech

Information Sovereignty? Central Asia Tightens Control Over Its Information Space

Across the post-Soviet space, governments are adopting new measures that affect the scope of free expression. Similar trends are visible in Central Asia, the Caucasus, and parts of Eastern Europe, reflecting wider global shifts in how states manage their information environments. In Central Asia, where journalism has long faced political constraints, recent policies indicate a renewed emphasis on controlling the flow of information. From Georgia to Kazakhstan: Pushback Against Foreign Narratives Recent events in Georgia highlight these changes. The adoption of a controversial “foreign agents” law, widely described as a Russian-style or “pro-Russian” measure, reflected the ruling party’s growing hostility to foreign-funded media and NGOs, many backed by European donors, and triggered mass pro-EU protests in Tbilisi. Similar dynamics are emerging in Central Asia, where officials increasingly view foreign narratives as interference in domestic affairs. In Kazakhstan, legislative restrictions on so-called "LGBT propaganda" have sparked both domestic protests and criticism from international partners. At the same time, well-known media figure Gulnar Bazhkenova, editor-in-chief of Orda.kz, has been placed under house arrest, an episode that underscores the tightening environment for journalists. The Bazhkenova Case: A Turning Point for Kazakh Media Bazhkenova, a prominent editor known for critical coverage of Kazakhstan’s political elite and security services, came under scrutiny after Orda.kz falsely reported the arrest of Foreign Minister Murat Nurtleu, an unverified claim that was quickly debunked. Although Nurtleu remained in his position immediately afterward, he was dismissed later in September, prompting speculation that the incident had political consequences. Soon after his departure, law enforcement launched an investigation into Bazhkenova. On December 1, Almaty police searched her residence and the offices of Orda.kz. Authorities stated that a 2024 article had disseminated false information regarding a law enforcement officer allegedly caught accepting a bribe, an incident that officials assert never occurred. Another article reportedly misrepresented details in a property dispute, allegedly damaging the business reputation of the involved party. The Almaty police have since opened additional investigations into past publications from Orda.kz that may contain misleading content. Media organizations have largely responded with condemnation, urging the authorities to decriminalize the dissemination of false information and instead treat such cases under civil law. However, the Union of Journalists of Kazakhstan issued a pointed statement calling on media professionals to “treat the preparation and dissemination of information responsibly. Individual cases for the dissemination of inaccurate information cast a shadow on the entire journalistic community of our country,” the organization said. An implicit acknowledgment, perhaps, that Bazhkenova’s actions may have crossed legal or ethical boundaries. Parallel Cases and Regional Patterns While suppression of the media in Tajikistan and Turkmenistan has long been widespread, Kyrgyzstan - long considered the most politically open country in Central Asia - has also moved to tighten control over its information space. In early 2024, authorities introduced a controversial “foreign representatives” law requiring NGOs and media outlets receiving international funding to register under a special status, echoing legislation seen in Russia and Georgia. Independent outlets such as Kloop, Temirov Live, and Azattyk...