• KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00205 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10787 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00205 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10787 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00205 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10787 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00205 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10787 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00205 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10787 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00205 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10787 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00205 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10787 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00205 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10787 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%

Viewing results 31 - 36 of 467

Opinion: Expect China to take its 2+2 diplomacy to Central Asia

China does not do military alliances. Its declared posture is one of non-interference in other nations’ internal affairs. Yet Beijing has long understood that commercial ties alone cannot anchor strategic relationships; only security partnerships can. China’s recent experiments with 2+2 security dialogues – bringing together foreign and defense ministers – signal that it is seeking to move beyond an economics-first approach. The most likely next candidates for this format are Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, all of which share borders with China. For Central Asian governments, a 2+2 with China may hold appeal, particularly as they seek to manage instability spilling over from Afghanistan at a time when Russia’s security role is being strained by its war in Ukraine. After years of hoping that engagement could stabilize Afghanistan, Central Asian states have largely shifted to a policy of containment – seeking to insulate themselves from cross-border militant threats, narcotics flows and refugee movements rather than attempting to reshape Afghanistan’s internal trajectory. For Beijing, the objective would be to consolidate partnerships across the Eurasian heartland – an outcome Washington would prefer to counter. China shares Central Asia’s risk-management approach toward Afghanistan. Like its neighbors, Beijing has little appetite for deep involvement inside the country itself, focusing instead on preventing instability from spilling northward toward Xinjiang or disrupting Belt and Road corridors that run through the region. A 2+2 format offers China a way to institutionalize security coordination without violating its long-standing aversion to formal alliances. Last week, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi and Defense Minister Dong Jun traveled to Phnom Penh to hold China’s first-ever 2+2 dialogue with Cambodia. Wang told reporters that China is willing to develop the mechanism into a “strategic platform” for enhancing political and defense security cooperation. He described it as a key instrument for cementing mutual assistance and solidarity, and for advancing the construction of a China-Cambodia “community with a shared future.” Wang also said China was prepared to work with Cambodia to build an “Asian security model” based on shared security and on seeking common ground while reserving differences. China’s deepening security engagement with Cambodia comes as the Southeast Asian nation remains locked in a border dispute with Thailand. Although Wang’s itinerary took him next to Bangkok, Beijing chose to hold a 2+2 only with Cambodia – notably the non-U.S. ally in this pairing. China is new to the 2+2 format. Last April, Beijing hosted its first ever 2+2 with a foreign country – with Indonesia. The trajectory suggests further 2+2 engagements ahead, including Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan – the three Central Asian states that border China. In several aspects, Central Asia may be a more conducive environment for this diplomacy than Southeast Asia: there are no maritime disputes, and the countries are not embedded in U.S. alliance structures. Instead, there is a convergence around defensive security priorities – particularly border control and crisis management linked to Afghanistan – making the 2+2 format a natural fit. China under President Xi Jinping has always had an eye...

Silver, Silk, and Forgotten Power: Central Asia’s Islamic Past Comes to London

At Sotheby’s in London, Central Asia comes into view as a world of dazzling craft and taste. The Arts of the Islamic World & India auction on April 29th  gathers rare eastern Islamic works that show how the region turned faith, power, and luxury into art. The standout lot is a 12th or 13th-century silver ewer, catalogued as Persian or Central Asian. Most related vessels are brass or bronze. This one is comparable to vessels from the Harari Hoard, a group of 10th and 11th-century silver objects now largely held in the L.A. Mayer Museum for Islamic Art in Jerusalem. The ewer’s presence gives the sale its sharpest point of entry. It is rare, ambitious, and unusually personal. [caption id="attachment_47817" align="aligncenter" width="2447"] A pair of Seljuk gold bracelets, Persia, Khurasan, 12th century; image: Sotheby's[/caption] A 10th-century Nishapur calligraphic dish shifts the focus from metal to script, turning a simple object into a work shaped by the visual grace of the written word. Timurid horse trappings, Qur’an pages, Sogdian silks, golden Mongol cloths, an embroidered robe, and a Shakhrisabz suzani broaden the picture from courtly power to sacred text and textile brilliance, ending in a tradition still closely associated with Uzbekistan. The timing gives the auction added weight. Uzbekistan is building a major new stage for Islamic heritage. The Times of Central Asia reported in April 2026 that its Center of Islamic Civilization has entered the Guinness World Records as the world’s largest museum. TCA asked Frankie Keyworth, a Specialist in Islamic and Indian Art at Sotheby’s, why Central Asia’s artistic legacy is commanding fresh attention now. [caption id="attachment_47818" align="aligncenter" width="8984"] A turquoise-set silver and brass belt buckle, Bukhara, Central Asia, 19th century; image: Sotheby's[/caption] TCA: Why are the artifacts in this auction so important for understanding Central Asia as a center of artistic production, rather than just a corridor between other civilizations? Keyworth: They really reiterate the breadth of artistic production in Central Asia, which is incredibly rich in terms of medium, design and chronology. The works presented here range from the 8th to the 19th century, from textiles to ceramics, metalwork to manuscripts, and they reveal traditions that are distinct to Central Asia, and others that inform and are informed by artistic production in other regions. The impressive silver ewer is a good example of this. Its nielloed decoration on silver is typical of a distinct group of silver vessels produced in Central Asia, but its form would go on to inform examples in other materials, such as bronze or ceramics produced later in Persia. [caption id="attachment_47819" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] A Timurid or early Ottoman tinned copper goblet (mashrabe), Central Asia or Eastern Anatolia, late 15th century; image: Sotheby's[/caption] TCA: Which object best captures Central Asia’s wider historical importance, and what makes it so revealing? Keyworth: It’s hard to pinpoint such a vast artistic tradition to one object, but luxurious textile production is synonymous with the arts of Central Asia. In this sale, we can see one of the earliest...

Regional Ecological Summit in Astana Produces Ecology Declaration and Broader Regional Agenda

Central Asian leaders have adopted the Astana declaration on ecology and sustainable development, giving the Regional Ecological Summit in Astana a formal political outcome while a wider package of biodiversity, climate, and pollution initiatives takes shape around it. Kazakhstan’s environment ministry says the five heads of state adopted the document, titled “Ecological Solidarity of Central Asia,” during the April 22 to 24 Summit. The declaration sets out a common regional position on several of Central Asia’s biggest environmental pressures. According to the ministry summary, the text calls for closer coordination in climate negotiations, glacier preservation, the mountain agenda, biodiversity, chemical and waste management, plastic pollution, air quality, land degradation, and desertification. It also presents the declaration as a contribution to ecological sustainability, inclusive economic growth, and a sustainable future for the region. Water runs through the document, but the language is careful. The declaration welcomes work on an interstate program to conserve the Caspian Sea and expresses concern about declining water levels and the shallowing of lakes in Central Asia. It also notes Kazakhstan’s proposal for a possible International Water Organization within the United Nations system, but stops short of endorsing its creation. The summit’s outcome does not rest on a single document. On April 24, the United Nations Environment Programme said the Astana meeting had launched new regional partnerships on circular economy and glaciers, while countries established common approaches on biodiversity, climate action, and air pollution. UNEP also said a regional climate and ecology investment portfolio was set up to widen access to international finance for environmental projects. A separate biodiversity track had already produced its own result earlier in the week. On April 22, UNDP in Kazakhstan said Central Asian countries had signed a regional declaration on biodiversity conservation during a high-level plenary session in Astana. According to UNDP, the document envisages an umbrella programme and action plan, as well as a regional resource mobilization plan to be presented at COP17 in Armenia. Outside confirmation of the main declaration has also become clearer. EFE reported on April 22 that the five Central Asian republics had approved the Astana Declaration of Ecological Solidarity, linking it to Tokayev’s focus on water security, the Aral Sea, and the Caspian. Put together, the Astana summit now looks like a broader regional attempt to turn shared ecological pressure into a workable political agenda. The summit’s next test will be whether these declarations and partnerships are followed by funding, coordination, and cross-border implementation.

Cyberbullying in Central Asia: What Legal Protections Are There?

Cyberbullying has long ceased to be merely an argument on the internet. Insults, harassment in chats, the publication of humiliating photos and videos, coordinated mockery, threats, and the spread of false information can cause harm comparable to offline violence. In Central Asia, the problem is becoming increasingly visible, but legal responses still vary significantly. As of 2026, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan have incorporated bullying and cyberbullying into legislation more directly, while Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan continue to address such cases mainly through general provisions on insult, defamation, threats, child protection, and internet regulation. Kazakhstan has taken the most explicit legislative approach to cyberbullying. The law introduced an official definition: cyberbullying is understood as systematic actions, that is, actions committed two or more times of a humiliating nature against a child, including persecution and intimidation using internet resources. The law also grants a citizen or the legal representative of a child the right to submit a complaint to the authorized body regarding instances of cyberbullying against a child, specifying the relevant internet resource. At the same time, laws on children’s rights and education have formally incorporated the concept of child bullying, including acts committed through media and telecommunications networks. A further step was taken in 2024, when Article 127-2 (“Bullying of a Minor”) was added to Kazakhstan’s Code of Administrative Offenses. It provides for a warning or a fine, with higher penalties for repeated violations within a year. In December 2024, Kazinform reported that Kazakhstan became the first country in Central Asia to establish specific liability for the bullying and cyberbullying of children in a separate legal provision, which entered into force on June 16, 2024. It is also significant that the provision is now being applied in practice. According to data released in February 2026 by the Deputy Chair of the Committee for the Protection of Children’s Rights, around 200 cases of bullying and cyberbullying against children had been recorded in 2025. This figure is important not only in itself; it indicates that the state has begun systematically recording such incidents and that victims and their families are more likely to seek protection. The main strength of the Kazakh model is its clarity. The law explicitly defines the problem, outlines complaint procedures, and establishes specific liability. Its main limitation lies in implementation: as with domestic violence legislation, effectiveness depends on how prepared schools, parents, law enforcement, and online platforms are to apply it in practice. Uzbekistan: Cyberbullying Within the Child Protection Framework In Uzbekistan, there is no separate legal provision titled “cyberbullying,” but the country has taken a significant step in terms of child protection. The Law “On the Protection of Children from All Forms of Violence,” adopted on November 14, 2024, and in force since May 15, 2025, explicitly recognizes bullying as a form of violence against children. The law defines such violence as actions, including those carried out through telecommunications networks and the internet, that cause or may cause physical or psychological harm. The definition of bullying explicitly includes...

The Northern Silk Road and the Middle Corridor

The recent hostilities in the Persian Gulf and the ensuing naval blockades of Iran have brought into sharp relief the growing importance of the Middle Corridor – or Trans-Caspian International Transport Route (TITR) – the rapidly expanding trade link between Western China and Europe. This vast network of road, rail and maritime transport links had already increased in importance as a result of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the ensuing sanctions, which have crippled large parts of Russia’s economy. With hundreds of container ships and oil tankers bottled up in the Gulf and the prospect of serious economic consequences, particularly in the developing world and for China and India, the idea of an overland – mostly – trade route to Europe is increasingly seen as a solution that provides a viable alternative in uncertain times. And not for the first time, as we shall discover. The TITR is around 3,000 km shorter than the so-called Northern Corridor through the Russian Federation, and transit times from China to Europe now average 10-15 days, compared to double that time for the Northern Corridor and anything up to 60 days for sea transport. According to World Bank estimates, the Middle Corridor could soon account for 20% of overland trade between China and the EU, with a tripling of current traffic levels by 2030, mainly due to economic growth in the Greater Caspian region. When planning began on the Middle Corridor almost 15 years ago, few people appreciated how rapidly it would develop. But as uncertainties over trade policies have increased, a route that avoids both the Russian Federation and the increasingly dispute-prone waterways in the Gulf and the Red Sea makes sense. Goods produced in Chinese factories in Chongqing, Xi’an and Urumqi can now be transported westward across Kazakhstan by rail to its Caspian Sea ports at Aktau and Kuryk. There are now major rail termini at the Kazakhstan-China border and more than 4,250 kms of rail lines in the network, together with 500 kms of sea transport. In Aktau on the Caspian, containers are loaded onto ships bound for Baku in Azerbaijan, where they are transferred onto the rolling stock of the Baku-Tbilisi-Kars (BTK) Railway for shipment into Turkey. The original plan was designed to handle 6.5 million tons of freight annually, but this figure is expected to top 17 million tons by 2034. New port facilities to handle the increasing number of containers arriving at Aktau and Kuryk have been financed by Kazakhstan’s Nurly Zhol Programme. Aktau, for example, is being dredged to enhance maritime safety and expand capacity. Its port currently handles up to 15 million tons of cargo a year. According to the TITR itself, around 57,000 containers travelled along the route in 2024, up from 20,500 in 2023. The route has continued to gather momentum in 2026: from January to March, 125 container trains were dispatched from China via the corridor, a 34.4% increase over the same period last year. Rail traffic volume increased by 5.7% in Azerbaijan...

Astana Ecological Summit Turns Regional Climate Pressure Into a Call for Joint Action

On April 22, 2026, leaders from Central Asia and neighboring states opened the Regional Ecological Summit 2026 in Astana on Earth Day with an urgent and practical message: the region’s environmental crisis is no longer a future risk, but a present constraint on water, food, energy, and economic security. The summit, held under the theme “A Shared Vision for a Sustainable Future,” was organized by Kazakhstan with the United Nations and international partners. Its stated purpose is to develop policy tools for protecting, restoring, and jointly using ecosystems, water and land resources, and conserving biodiversity in Central Asia. The program includes 58 events, consultations on a possible International Water Organization within the UN system, and expected documents, including a Central Asian declaration on environmental solidarity and a 2026–2030 regional action program. [caption id="attachment_47607" align="aligncenter" width="775"] President Tokayev gives his keynote address at the Regional Ecological Summit in Astana; Image: TCA[/caption] Opening the plenary, Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev argued that environmental policy must not become another dividing line in global politics. He called for a fair and balanced green transition, especially for developing economies, and warned that Central Asia’s shared rivers, landscapes, and climate risks demand shared responsibility. Tokayev singled out water scarcity, desertification, glacier melt, air pollution and biodiversity loss as the region’s core challenges. He also highlighted Kazakhstan’s plans to expand renewable energy, protect the Caspian Sea, restore the Northern Aral, and start consultations on a proposed International Water Organization. [video width="720" height="1280" mp4="https://timesca.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/no-comments-Reels.mp4"][/video] The water question dominated the speeches. President Sadyr Japarov said that Kyrgyzstan bears a disproportionate burden despite its small contribution to global emissions. He pointed to a sharp increase in mudflows and floods, shrinking glaciers, and the fact that most water formed in Kyrgyzstan flows to neighboring states. His proposal was blunt: downstream users should help co-finance the water infrastructure and ecosystem services that upstream countries maintain. Uzbekistan's President Shavkat Mirziyoyev turned the summit into a platform for concrete regional initiatives. In his official speech, he said that Central Asia is warming twice as fast as the global average, has already lost nearly a third of its glaciers, and faces land degradation across 80 million hectares. He proposed a Clean Air consortium, a regional desertification and drought center, a green trade corridor, a unified climate-investment portfolio, an environmental atlas and a Central Asian Red Book. Tajikistan’s President Emomali Rahmon brought the glacier crisis into sharp relief. Tajikistan supplies much of Central Asia’s water, but its glaciers are retreating, threatening water balance and increasing disaster risks. Rahmon linked the environmental agenda to hydropower, green finance, biodiversity protection, and water diplomacy, and invited partners to continue the discussion at a high-level water conference in Dushanbe. Turkmenistan's President Serdar Berdimuhamedov backed a stronger institutional approach, proposing a UN-supported regional council on water use to align national policies and manage transboundary resources more transparently. He also announced a high-level Caspian Sea ecology meeting in Turkmenistan for October 2026. Heads of state from beyond Central Asia widened the frame. Armenia’s...