• KZT/USD = 0.00223
  • TJS/USD = 0.10800
  • UZS/USD = 0.00009
  • TMT/USD = 0.29760
  • KZT/USD = 0.00223
  • TJS/USD = 0.10800
  • UZS/USD = 0.00009
  • TMT/USD = 0.29760
  • KZT/USD = 0.00223
  • TJS/USD = 0.10800
  • UZS/USD = 0.00009
  • TMT/USD = 0.29760
  • KZT/USD = 0.00223
  • TJS/USD = 0.10800
  • UZS/USD = 0.00009
  • TMT/USD = 0.29760
  • KZT/USD = 0.00223
  • TJS/USD = 0.10800
  • UZS/USD = 0.00009
  • TMT/USD = 0.29760
  • KZT/USD = 0.00223
  • TJS/USD = 0.10800
  • UZS/USD = 0.00009
  • TMT/USD = 0.29760
  • KZT/USD = 0.00223
  • TJS/USD = 0.10800
  • UZS/USD = 0.00009
  • TMT/USD = 0.29760
  • KZT/USD = 0.00223
  • TJS/USD = 0.10800
  • UZS/USD = 0.00009
  • TMT/USD = 0.29760
19 September 2026

Viewing results 49 - 54 of 418

Top U.S. State Department Official Travels to Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan

Sarah B. Rogers, a senior official at the United States Department of State whose job includes engaging foreign publics through educational, cultural, and other means, will visit Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan as part of a trip to Central Asia and South Asia. Rogers, the under secretary of state for public diplomacy and public affairs, will also visit India and Nepal during the May 27-June 10 tour, according to the State Department. President Donald Trump nominated Rogers, a lawyer, to the post early last year and she was sworn in on October 10, 2025. The president has since nominated her to head the U.S Agency for Global Media, a federal agency tasked with disseminating information to international audiences that has been in turmoil since early in Trump’s second term. If confirmed, Rogers would keep her current job while also running the agency. The Trump administration sharply scaled back the operations of the global media agency, which oversees Voice of America and other U.S.-funded outlets, as part of a broader reduction in funding for U.S. aid projects around the world. Central Asia was among the affected regions where some U.S. funding was withdrawn, even as Washington ramped up economic and diplomatic initiatives with governments in that region. U.S. administration officials have alleged that the global media agency was vulnerable to political bias and management, though supporters said it played a valuable role in disseminating information in countries led by authoritarian governments. Lawsuits and court rulings have slowed the push to dismantle the agency. In her role as under secretary, Rogers has criticized what she calls censorship in Europe, saying speech regulation there is placing unfair restrictions on U.S. tech companies and undermining democracy. Opponents say she is seeking common cause with ideological allies of the Trump administration in Europe. “Truth-telling and censorship circumvention, including in closed societies, are critical causes for me,” Rogers said after her March nomination to lead the U.S. Agency for Global Media.

Turkmenistan Works With WHO on Healthcare Upgrades

Turkmenistan and the World Health Organization went through a delicate period during the pandemic, when the Turkmen government said there had been no COVID-19 cases in the country. The global health agency didn’t publicly challenge the claim, which was met with widespread international skepticism. While Turkmenistan retains many of the tight controls on information that were in place at the height of the pandemic, its relationship with the World Health Organization, or WHO, has evolved into one of closer cooperation aimed at bringing parts of the country´s health system into line with international practices. In the latest initiative, WHO experts and laboratory specialists in Turkmenistan held an emergency planning workshop in Ashgabat this month, according to the health agency. The May 19-23 event focused on topics including emergency planning and the safe transport of infectious substances. “By investing in expertise and preparedness, Turkmenistan continues to strengthen its preparedness for public health emergencies,” the World Health Organization said on Instagram. Since the COVID-19 crisis, WHO specialists have also visited Turkmenistan to help with its pandemic planning and preparedness, in just one element of a broader plan to modernize the health system of one of the most closed countries in the world. Even today, the impact of the pandemic in Turkmenistan is not fully known because of limited public information. At the time, authorities implemented measures such as obligatory masking, restrictions on travel, and the closure of borders. There were, however, reports of people in Turkmenistan suffering symptoms similar to those seen during the spread of COVID-19 elsewhere. Other countries in Central Asia, meanwhile, confirmed that they had outbreaks. Some analysts speculated that a delegation that visited Turkmenistan during the pandemic didn’t directly address the government’s zero-case claim because it wanted to avoid any public fallout and was focused on maintaining access to the country and its health officials. Dr. Karen Nahapetyan, laboratory specialist at the WHO regional office for Europe, guided the Ashgabat workshop this month, according to the turkmenportal.com website. Nahapetyan recently worked on the international response to the Andes hantavirus outbreak on the cruise ship MV Hondius that killed three people. While technical coordination between WHO and Turkmenistan is advancing, some foreign advisories warn of the limits of the country’s healthcare system. The British Foreign Office advises travelers that it’s usually best to avoid anything other than basic or emergency care in Turkmenistan, especially outside Ashgabat.

Can Caspian Cargo Fleets Meet Middle Corridor Demands?

Construction of infrastructure along the Middle Corridor, also called the Trans-Caspian International Trade Route, to ship goods between China and Europe is progressing at a frantic pace. When Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in late February 2022, it inadvertently gave a new impetus to the development of a trade network through Central Asia and the South Caucasus that had been slowly taking shape since the end of the 1990s. One of the most formidable challenges along the Middle Corridor is boosting maritime cargo across the Caspian Sea. Steps are being made, including some significant recent moves, but the capacity of shipping east-to-west over the Caspian Sea faces challenges in meeting the ever-growing demand for commercial vessels. By Leaps and Bounds In 2022, the volume of cargo through the Middle Corridor was some 1.5 million tons, more than twice the amount transported in 2021. In 2023, it topped 2.7 million tons, in 2024 was about 4.5 million tons, and in 2025 it was expected to be approximately 5.2 million tons. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan visited Kazakhstan on May 13-14, where his host, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, said the figure could reach 10 million tons “in the near future,” and are predictions it could happen as soon as 2027. The roads, railways, and port facilities along the Middle Corridor are expanding rapidly. However, according to a report from Azerbaijan’s Trend news agency in mid-May, the Azerbaijani Caspian Shipping Company (ASCO) says that since 2013, only “a total of 35 new vessels have been commissioned.” The Merchant Fleets of Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan On the eastern side of the Caspian Sea, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan have been working to increase their maritime shipping. Both countries invested heavily in upgrading their Caspian ports, in Kazakhstan’s case at Aktau and Kuryk, and for Turkmenistan at Turkmenbashi City. Since the end of April, both countries have moved to boost their potential to ship cargo across the Caspian. Kazakhstan’s state railway company, Kazakhstan Temir Zholy (KTZ), announced on April 30 that it would build its own maritime fleet starting with six new vessels, each with a deadweight of up to 9,900 tons and able to carry up to 537 twenty-foot equivalent units (TEU). Once completed, those six cargo ships will join the two dry cargo and three container vessels in the Caspian Sea operated by Kazakhstan’s state maritime shipping company Kazmortransflot. The three container ships – Berkut, Sunkar, and Barys – all started operation in 2019, have a deadweight of 5,200 tons, and can each carry up to 350 TEU. The two dry cargo ships, the Beket Ata and Turkestan, have a deadweight of 5,467 tons and can carry 4,182 tons. On May 12, the dry cargo ship Gadamly arrived at the Baku International Sea Port. The Gadamly is Turkmenistan’s first dry cargo vessel and is able to carry up to 240 TEU. A second cargo vessel, Manzil, should be launched before the end of this year. Arif Aghayev, the deputy chairman of Azerbaijan Railways, said at...

Turkmen State Employees Forced Back Into Cotton Harvest Campaign

The authorities in Turkmenistan have again mobilized public-sector employees for the annual cotton harvest, forcing teachers, doctors, municipal workers, and other state employees either to work in the fields or pay for replacement laborers from their own salaries. The renewed campaign comes as international brands continue to face growing risks that what activists describe as “toxic” Turkmen cotton may still be entering global supply chains. According to Dialectic, the authorities have abandoned even the limited relaxations introduced in some regions during previous harvest seasons. Cotton remains one of Turkmenistan’s key export commodities. Each year, the state sets a harvest target of roughly 1.25 million tons of raw cotton from approximately 580,000 hectares of farmland. State procurement prices for farmers remain extremely low. The government currently pays around 5,000 manat per ton of first-pass medium-fiber cotton, about $256 using the unofficial exchange rate. Against a backdrop of deteriorating agricultural infrastructure, soil degradation, and declining yields, the authorities are continuing to compensate for structural problems in the sector through the mobilization of state employees. According to the report, the system remains largely unchanged. Employees of schools, hospitals, utility services and cultural institutions are ordered either to participate personally in the cotton harvest or hire replacement workers using their own wages. Refusal, sources say, can result in dismissal, financial penalties, or other administrative consequences. Monitors also report the continued use of child labor. Although Turkmen law prohibits involving anyone under the age of 18 in cotton harvesting, poverty and quota pressure push some families to bring children into the fields. The harvested cotton subsequently enters international supply chains through third countries. Turkey and Pakistan remain the largest transit and processing hubs for Turkmen cotton products. According to the publication, Turkish enterprises alone imported $96.6 million worth of Turkmen cotton products in 2024, while Pakistani companies imported an additional $33.8 million. After processing, both raw materials and finished textile products are exported to European Union markets, including Italy, Poland, Portugal, and Bulgaria. International experts say this stage of the supply chain presents the greatest risks for global apparel brands. Despite commitments by more than 140 international companies to avoid Turkmen cotton, products made with such raw materials may still be entering the supply chains of some of the world’s largest clothing manufacturers. The government in Ashgabat continues to deny allegations of forced mobilization, insisting that participation in the cotton harvest is voluntary. However, according to the report, attempts by the International Labour Organization (ILO) to conduct independent monitoring during 2024-2025 were accompanied by route restrictions and carefully staged official demonstrations. International pressure on Turkmenistan’s cotton sector has nevertheless continued to increase. The United States banned imports of Turkmen cotton and cotton products in 2018. In addition, the EU’s Forced Labour Regulation is due to apply from December 2027, banning products made with forced labor from the EU market regardless of origin. Inside Turkmenistan, however, little appears to be changing for public-sector workers. The annual autumn cotton campaign remains a heavy burden for those forced...

Central Asia Steps Out of the Post-Soviet Shadow

Central Asia is rarely presented on its own terms. It is more often viewed through exterior lenses like Russian imperial memory, Chinese reach, Silk Road romance, or great-power rivalry. The result is a region made to look secondary to the forces around it, even as its five countries carry deep histories, distinct languages, and identities that cannot be reduced to a backdrop. That old frame is starting to crack. Central Asia is finding new ways to tell its own story. The shift goes beyond tourism or national branding. It is about who gets to define the region, which is still too often seen through the things done to it or extracted from it. Culture depicts the other side of that narrative, a place that has shaped history, not merely endured it, with traditions and ideas that have long carried influence far beyond its borders. [caption id="attachment_49147" align="aligncenter" width="2048"] Sky above Almaty: Qandy Qantar; image courtesy of Saule Suleimenova[/caption] Kazakhstan offers one visible example. The Almaty Museum of Arts opened on September 12, 2025, adding a major institution for modern and contemporary art. Its arrival builds on a broader shift in which private galleries, international platforms, and artists such as Aigerim Karibayeva and Saule Suleimenova are moving Kazakh art beyond folkloric shorthand toward identity, postcolonial memory, and urban life. The reopening of the Tselinny Center of Contemporary Culture, in a former Soviet-era cinema, adds a sharper symbolic layer. A building once tied to Soviet public culture has become a platform for modern Central Asian voices, reflecting a scene increasingly rethinking nomadism rather than simply reproducing it. [caption id="attachment_49148" align="aligncenter" width="1024"] Image: The Tselinny Center of Contemporary Culture[/caption] Uzbekistan has made culture central to its international reemergence. The inaugural Bukhara Biennial brought contemporary art into a city more often seen through its monuments, turning madrasas and caravanserais into exhibition spaces for Uzbek and world artists. The same push is visible in the Tashkent Centre for Contemporary Art, Uzbekistan’s presence at the Venice Architecture Biennale, and design projects such as When Apricots Blossom, which link heritage, craft, and the environmental disaster of the Aral Sea. Artists such as Oyjon Khayrullaeva show a younger generation reworking Islamic ornament, textiles, and public space into new visual languages. At the same time, the State Museum of Karakalpakstan in Nukus, with its Soviet-era censored works, gives the country’s art history deeper heft. In Tashkent, the Islamic Civilization Center is working on a different scale. Recognized by Guinness World Records in 2026 as the largest museum of Islamic civilization, it gives Uzbekistan a stronger role in shaping how that legacy is understood today. [caption id="attachment_49146" align="aligncenter" width="2048"] Image courtesy of Oyjon Khayrullaeva[/caption] Kyrgyzstan’s confidence rests on different ground. The sixth World Nomad Games are scheduled for August 31 to September 6, 2026, with events in Bishkek and around Issyk-Kul. That gives Kyrgyzstan a stage for living nomadic traditions, not a static museum display of them. Its contemporary art scene adds a more intimate layer, with artists such as...

Opinion: Middle Powers and the “Voice of the Region” – Is Central Asia Becoming a Coordinated Actor?

Against the backdrop of growing global fragmentation and the weakening of universal international institutions, the role of so-called middle powers is increasing. These are states able to influence regional agendas without possessing great-power status. In this changing system, Central Asia is gradually moving beyond its long-standing image as a geopolitical periphery and is beginning to act more like a region with shared interests. For decades, the region was viewed mainly as a space where the interests of external powers, including Russia, China, the U.S., and others, intersected. Today, that paradigm is beginning to shift. Central Asia is showing greater signs of agency through what may be described as a cluster effect: individually, the countries have limited influence, but collectively they form an important transit hub between Europe and Asia, a growing market, a significant resource base, and a strategic security zone. This creates the conditions for a more coordinated regional position, even if a single regional voice is still emerging rather than fully formed. C5+Azerbaijan as a Foundation for Regional Architecture The institutional foundation of this process is the Central Asian leaders' consultative format, which is now expanding through Azerbaijan's participation. That is turning what was once a C5 dialogue into a looser C5+Azerbaijan, or C6, framework focused on transport, energy, and practical cooperation. Within this framework, the countries of the region are learning to act in a more coordinated manner without supranational pressure. In practice, this process is developing through three main areas. The first is transport and logistics. Azerbaijan's participation has strengthened efforts to make the Middle Corridor more coherent, though the route still faces bottlenecks in capacity, customs coordination, and Caspian crossings. Through tariff coordination, simplified border procedures, and investment in port and rail infrastructure, Central Asia and the Caucasus are increasingly functioning as parts of a single transport artery. That gives the region a faster option for cargo between China and Europe, even if it remains far smaller than traditional maritime routes. Shipping goods via the Suez Canal or the northern route can take between 35 and 45 days, whereas the Middle Corridor can reduce transit times to around 13-21 days under favorable conditions. According to forecasts cited by BCG, shipping volumes along the route could increase three- to fourfold during the current decade. Beyond logistics, the project is creating a new economic framework for the region. Its status as a crossroads is attracting investment in transport hubs and manufacturing facilities along the route, with the potential to turn transit corridors into zones of economic growth. This gives participating countries not only transit revenue but a stronger basis for long-term strategic resilience. The second major area is energy integration, where historical disputes over water and fuel resources are increasingly being supplemented by models of joint development. The Kambarata HPP-1 hydropower project in Kyrgyzstan, being developed with Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, has created an important precedent for shared management of water and energy interests. The project is expected to support cleaner electricity generation while helping stabilize irrigation flows...