Turkmenistan Features - The Times Of Central Asia

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Photography

19th Century Photographs of Central Asia on Display in Turkmenistan

Turkmenistan’s Museum of Fine Arts is showcasing the work of Paul Nadar, a French photographer who documented daily life, ancient ruins and a Russian imperial railway during a three-month trip in Central Asia in the late 19th century. People in traditional dress are seen in some of the photos in the museum exhibition, offering a glimpse of local society at a time when much of Central Asia was unfamiliar to many in Western Europe. One image shows a solitary figure beside the railway in the Karakum Desert, an expanse that covers much of modern Turkmenistan. Others depict people on horseback. Simple dwellings and a railway bridge over water are shown. There are also photos of the ruins of a mosque, mausoleums, the citadel gate and other places in Merv, an oasis city on the Silk Road whose history stretches back several thousand years. Today, the remnants of Merv are in Turkmenistan and are on UNESCO’s world heritage list. Paul Nadar, son of a prominent photographer widely known by the pseudonym Nadar, traveled in the region in 1890, according to the exhibition titled “Journey Through Turkmen Lands.” “He was gathering materials for the First International Exhibition dedicated to the development of the Trans-Caspian Railway, which was scheduled to open in Tashkent,” reported Turkmenistan: Golden Age, a state media outlet. At that time, the publication said, the railway “symbolized modernization and the opening of Central Asia to Europe.” The railway primarily served Russian imperial interests. The Russian military built it in the late 19th century as it solidified control in Central Asia, roughly following old Silk Road trade routes. Today, those routes are the basis for east-west transport channels associated with the developing Middle Corridor network. Paul Nadar used Kodak and Nadar Express Détective instant cameras to take over 1,800 photographs during his trip in the Turkistan region of the Russian empire, in what are today Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, according to the Getty philanthropic institution, which has an album of photos from the trip. It said photos from Nadar’s journey were shown not only at the Tashkent exhibition in 1890, but also at several World’s Fairs during that decade. The images were available for purchase at Nadar’s studio in Paris, Getty said. The photo exhibition in Ashgabat, which includes only a portion of Nadar’s work in Central Asia, opened last week and runs until June 23. It was organized with the help of the French embassy and cultural center in Ashgabat.

Iran

U.S.-Iran Framework Could Reopen Central Asia’s Southern Route

The United States and Iran said on June 15 that they had reached a framework to end their war, halt the U.S. naval blockade of Iranian ports, and reopen the Strait of Hormuz. The sides said a memorandum of understanding could be signed on June 19 in Switzerland. The exact terms were not immediately known, with Iran’s nuclear program and sanctions relief left for later talks. Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif said the pact called for “the immediate and permanent termination of military operations on all fronts, including in Lebanon.” Trump posted, on Truth Social, “Ships of the World, start your engines. Let the oil flow!” Brent crude fell by more than 4% in early trading, and Asian stock markets advanced. Reuters later said shippers remained cautious after one LNG tanker passed through Hormuz on June 15. A reopened strait would not restore normal traffic immediately, with freight flows depending on mine clearance, insurance rules, port inspections, and shipping guidance for vessels entering the area. Kazakhstan was the first Central Asian state to publicly welcome the latest announcement. President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev praised the political will of the parties, saying they had helped “restore trust and mutually acceptable solutions.” Azerbaijan also issued a supporting statement praising Pakistan’s mediation and saying further talks could support “lasting peace and stability.” Central Asian governments had previously welcomed the U.S.-Iran ceasefire in April, with Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan calling for de-escalation and diplomacy. For Central Asia, oil prices are only part of the story. The larger question is whether de-escalation can reopen practical access to southern trade routes, ports, and markets beyond the Caspian. Since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the region has paid closer attention to alternatives to routes through Russia. Iran offers one of its shortest paths to the Gulf, the Indian Ocean, Türkiye, and India. But sanctions, banking risk, war insurance, and U.S. policy shifts have kept that path fragile. Chabahar is the clearest example. In May 2024, India signed a 10-year contract with Iran to develop and operate the port on the Gulf of Oman. India’s shipping minister, Sarbananda Sonowal, called Chabahar “a vital trade artery connecting India with Afghanistan and Central Asian Countries.” The port allows Indian cargo to reach Afghanistan and Central Asia without crossing Pakistan, and gives Central Asian exporters another route toward India and the Indian Ocean. The sanctions picture remains uncertain. On October 30, 2025, Washington granted India a six-month waiver that allowed operations at Chabahar to continue. No public replacement had been announced by June 15. The new framework could make another waiver easier to justify, but banks and insurers will wait for signed text, U.S. guidance, and proof that Hormuz and Iranian ports are safe. Reuters cited a senior Iranian official who said the draft framework included no new U.S. sanctions before a final deal, a temporary oil sanctions waiver, and the release of $25 billion in frozen Iranian assets. The same source said Iran would refrain from further enrichment and...

Podcast

Pannier and Hillard’s Spotlight on Central Asia: New Episode Coming Soon

As Managing Editor of The Times of Central Asia, I’m delighted that, in partnership with the Oxus Society for Central Asian Affairs, from October 19, we are the home of the Spotlight on Central Asia podcast. Chaired by seasoned broadcasters Bruce Pannier of RFE/RL’s long-running Majlis podcast and Michael Hillard of The Red Line, each fortnightly instalment will take you on a deep dive into the latest news, developments, security issues, and social trends across an increasingly pivotal region. This week, the team will be discussing the latest report on Foreign Information Manipulation and Interference with special guest Samuel Doveri-Vesterbye, Director of the European Neighborhood Council.

Child Labor

ILO Reports Rise in Child Labor in Turkmenistan’s Cotton Fields

The International Labour Organization has reported a rise in child labor during Turkmenistan’s 2025 cotton harvest, despite improvements in some working conditions and continued cooperation with the government. The findings were published in the ILO’s second consecutive assessment of labor conditions during the country’s cotton campaign. The monitoring mission was conducted between August 28 and November 4, 2025, across all five regions of Turkmenistan. Observers interviewed 1,611 cotton pickers, 458 farmers, and 1,415 public-sector employees, as well as local officials and farm managers. Children were not interviewed for safety reasons, meaning conclusions regarding child labor were based on direct observations by monitors and testimony from adult respondents. One of the report’s most significant findings was a sharp increase in reports and observations of children in cotton fields. The share of cotton pickers reporting the presence of children in the fields rose to 20% in 2025 from 11% a year earlier. Among public-sector employees surveyed, the figure increased from 14% to 18%, while among farmers it rose from 17% to 34%. ILO monitors themselves encountered children during 38% of field visits, compared with 23% in the previous year’s assessment. The highest incidence was recorded in Dashoguz Region, where children were observed on 59% of surveyed fields. Comparable figures were 41% in Mary Region, 28% in Lebap Region and 25% in Ahal Region. The report also documented increased interference by local officials in monitoring activities. Attempts to influence inspections were recorded during 35% of field visits in 2025, up from 23% in 2024. Interference was also reported during 34% of inspections involving public institutions. In Dashoguz Region, officials were present during interviews with public-sector employees in 62% of cases, according to the report. The use of public-sector workers during the cotton harvest also continued. Twelve percent of surveyed government employees said they participated in cotton picking, while around one in five of those respondents said they had been sent to the fields by employers, officials, or farming associations. Fifteen percent of farmers reported seeing public-sector employees or military personnel working in the fields. The report found that concerns about negative consequences for refusing cotton work also increased. Fifteen percent of pickers reported fearing repercussions, compared with 12% a year earlier. Nearly one-quarter of surveyed public-sector employees expressed similar concerns. Respondents cited fears of losing social benefits, employment, income, or social standing within their communities. Meanwhile, the ILO reported improvements in several labor indicators. The share of workers earning below the official minimum wage fell from 29% to 13%, while average pay increased from 4.6 cents to 4.9 cents per kilogram of cotton harvested. Access to drinking water and food also improved. However, significant challenges remain. Only 7% of cotton pickers had written employment contracts, down from 22% in 2024. More than half of workers lacked at least one required piece of protective equipment, while 11% reported health problems during the harvest. The ILO noted that cooperation with the Turkmen government has resulted in some reforms, including amendments to the Labor Code that...

C5+1

From Culture to Critical Minerals: C5+1 Opens Busy U.S. Week in Central Asia

The United States and Central Asia moved another part of the C5+1 agenda into a working-level form on June 5, when culture officials from the five Central Asian states and Washington met in Tashkent. The meeting came just days before a separate C5+1 critical minerals session in Astana, giving the week a wider agenda: cultural heritage, public diplomacy, mining, investment, and supply chains are now moving forward in the same regional format. The Tashkent meeting brought together Uzbekistan's Minister of Culture Ozodbek Nazarbekov, Kazakhstan's Minister of Culture and Information Aida Balayeva, Kyrgyzstan's Minister of Culture, Information and Youth Policy Mirbek Mambetaliev, Tajikistan's Minister of Culture Matluba Sattoriyon, Turkmenistan's Deputy Minister of Culture Gurbanmurad Miradaliev, and Sarah Rogers, the U.S. Under Secretary of State for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs. The agenda covered cultural and humanitarian cooperation, joint cultural projects, creative exchanges, and the protection and promotion of cultural heritage. Participants discussed a permanent C5+1 Working Group on Culture, a C5+1 Culture and Innovation Forum, closer cooperation in the creative industries, and more places for Central Asian cultural professionals in U.S. education and exchange programs. Uzbekistan also proposed joint English for Culture centers with U.S. partners at cultural education institutions. In practical terms, that could mean joint training for museum staff, touring exhibitions, film and music exchanges, English-language programs for curators and cultural managers, and U.S.-backed workshops for people working in heritage, tourism, and the creative industries. For Uzbekistan, the proposed centers would give the agenda a physical base inside cultural education institutions rather than leaving it at the level of declarations. The meeting ended with a protocol, which reaffirmed the parties' commitment to the cultural heritage agenda adopted after the Washington summit in November 2025. The International Institute for Central Asia said it covered cooperation through joint events and festivals in art, literature, theater, cinema, and music. Kazakhstan's side also tied the discussion to museum partnerships, digitization of heritage, professional exchanges, tourism routes, and digital projects. The Tashkent talks grew out of the C5+1 leaders’ meeting in Washington, where culture joined a wider list of priorities. That summit marked ten years of U.S. engagement with the region through the format, which began in 2015 and has since expanded from foreign-minister meetings to expert groups and presidential-level summits. The Times of Central Asia previously reported that the November 2025 summit shifted the format from broad diplomacy toward deliverable agreements, with critical minerals, aviation, supply chains, and business ties among the main areas of focus. Culture fits into that agenda, as Central Asian governments see heritage, tourism, film, music, museums, and the creative industries as economic sectors as well as identity markers. For the United States, public diplomacy gives Washington a way to stay active in the region outside security and energy talks. It also gives the C5+1 a soft-power layer, using language programs, museum links, heritage projects, and creative exchanges to build influence without framing the relationship only around security or resources. Heritage protection has a security side as well. Trafficking...

Water Security

Megaprojects Instead of Quotas: How Central Asia’s Water Diplomacy Is Changing

Central Asia’s water politics are moving beyond Soviet-era quotas. As glaciers in the Tien Shan retreat and climate pressure increases, river management has become a question of energy security, food production, and regional stability. The Soviet-era system of river-water allocation has reached its limits, forcing Central Asian states to look beyond traditional negotiations and toward joint ownership of strategic water infrastructure. Even as regional governments learn to cooperate more closely, a new challenge is emerging on Central Asia’s southern frontier, one that could disrupt the region’s hydrological balance. The Illusion of Control Formally, Central Asia’s water resources are governed through a network of interstate institutions. The principal mechanisms are the Interstate Commission for Water Coordination (ICWC) and the International Fund for Saving the Aral Sea (IFAS). On paper, the system appears effective. Twice a year, ahead of the spring-summer irrigation season and the autumn-winter period, representatives of the region’s countries meet to approve water-withdrawal quotas from the Syr Darya and Amu Darya river basins. At the end of 2025, for example, officials meeting in Ashgabat agreed on water allocations for 2026, setting total withdrawals from the Amu Darya at nearly 55.4 billion cubic meters. This framework has helped prevent open interstate conflicts by providing a permanent forum for dialogue. However, its foundation remains the 1992 Almaty Agreement, which essentially preserved a Soviet-era quota system designed for a single centrally planned state rather than a group of independent countries with competing interests. The greatest weakness of the system is the absence of any meaningful enforcement mechanism. If one country exceeds its agreed allocation during a drought year, there are no legal or economic penalties. Disputes are instead resolved through emergency negotiations between ministries or, in some cases, direct interventions by heads of state. A system dependent on political goodwill and personal relationships is increasingly fragile in an era of climate stress. Turning Water Disputes Into Joint Investments As the quota system shows signs of strain, Central Asian countries have begun experimenting with a more pragmatic approach: shared ownership of infrastructure. The central paradox of the Syr Darya basin is that upstream and downstream countries need water at different times of the year. Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, which control the river’s headwaters, require releases in the winter to generate electricity and heat their cities. Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, meanwhile, need that same water in summer to irrigate millions of hectares of farmland. Winter releases often flow downstream when demand is low, while shortages emerge during the peak agricultural season. The proposed solution is the Kambarata-1 hydropower plant on Kyrgyzstan’s Naryn River, a project now estimated to cost around $4.2 billion. What makes the project unusual is its ownership structure. Under a 2024 agreement, Kyrgyzstan will hold a 34% stake, while Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan will each own 33%. By investing billions of dollars in infrastructure located outside their territory, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan are effectively purchasing seats at the decision-making table. As shareholders, they gain a direct role in determining reservoir operations, helping ensure water is...