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Art and Culture

Central Asia Steps Out of the Post-Soviet Shadow

Central Asia is rarely presented on its own terms. It is more often viewed through exterior lenses like Russian imperial memory, Chinese reach, Silk Road romance, or great-power rivalry. The result is a region made to look secondary to the forces around it, even as its five countries carry deep histories, distinct languages, and identities that cannot be reduced to a backdrop. That old frame is starting to crack. Central Asia is finding new ways to tell its own story. The shift goes beyond tourism or national branding. It is about who gets to define the region, which is still too often seen through the things done to it or extracted from it. Culture depicts the other side of that narrative, a place that has shaped history, not merely endured it, with traditions and ideas that have long carried influence far beyond its borders. [caption id="attachment_49147" align="aligncenter" width="2048"] Sky above Almaty: Qandy Qantar; image courtesy of Saule Suleimenova[/caption] Kazakhstan offers one visible example. The Almaty Museum of Arts opened on September 12, 2025, adding a major institution for modern and contemporary art. Its arrival builds on a broader shift in which private galleries, international platforms, and artists such as Aigerim Karibayeva and Saule Suleimenova are moving Kazakh art beyond folkloric shorthand toward identity, postcolonial memory, and urban life. The reopening of the Tselinny Center of Contemporary Culture, in a former Soviet-era cinema, adds a sharper symbolic layer. A building once tied to Soviet public culture has become a platform for modern Central Asian voices, reflecting a scene increasingly rethinking nomadism rather than simply reproducing it. [caption id="attachment_49148" align="aligncenter" width="1024"] Image: The Tselinny Center of Contemporary Culture[/caption] Uzbekistan has made culture central to its international reemergence. The inaugural Bukhara Biennial brought contemporary art into a city more often seen through its monuments, turning madrasas and caravanserais into exhibition spaces for Uzbek and world artists. The same push is visible in the Tashkent Centre for Contemporary Art, Uzbekistan’s presence at the Venice Architecture Biennale, and design projects such as When Apricots Blossom, which link heritage, craft, and the environmental disaster of the Aral Sea. Artists such as Oyjon Khayrullaeva show a younger generation reworking Islamic ornament, textiles, and public space into new visual languages. At the same time, the State Museum of Karakalpakstan in Nukus, with its Soviet-era censored works, gives the country’s art history deeper heft. In Tashkent, the Islamic Civilization Center is working on a different scale. Recognized by Guinness World Records in 2026 as the largest museum of Islamic civilization, it gives Uzbekistan a stronger role in shaping how that legacy is understood today. [caption id="attachment_49146" align="aligncenter" width="2048"] Image courtesy of Oyjon Khayrullaeva[/caption] Kyrgyzstan’s confidence rests on different ground. The sixth World Nomad Games are scheduled for August 31 to September 6, 2026, with events in Bishkek and around Issyk-Kul. That gives Kyrgyzstan a stage for living nomadic traditions, not a static museum display of them. Its contemporary art scene adds a more intimate layer, with artists such as...

Podcast

Pannier and Hillard’s Spotlight on Central Asia: New Episode Out Now

As Managing Editor of The Times of Central Asia, I’m delighted that, in partnership with the Oxus Society for Central Asian Affairs, from October 19, we are the home of the Spotlight on Central Asia podcast. Chaired by seasoned broadcasters Bruce Pannier of RFE/RL’s long-running Majlis podcast and Michael Hillard of The Red Line, each fortnightly instalment will take you on a deep dive into the latest news, developments, security issues, and social trends across an increasingly pivotal region. This week, the team will be covering the highly successful OTS summit in Turkistan, alongside Putin's notably bad day at the Moscow Victory Day parade. We'll also break down the new ships launching in the Caspian Sea and what they signal for cross-Caspian trade, a long-awaited move from Kyrgyzstan's Prosecutor General that we've been tracking for months, another serious shootout involving counter-narcotics forces in Afghanistan, and Emomali Rahmon's trip to Beijing for talks with the Chinese leadership. And for our main story, we turn to Tajikistan's heir apparent, Rustam Emomali, the man widely tipped to become the country's next president On the show this week: - Salim Ayoubzod (Radio Free Liberty) - Edward Lemon (The Oxus Society for Central Asian Affairs)

Middle Powers

Opinion: Middle Powers and the “Voice of the Region” – Is Central Asia Becoming a Coordinated Actor?

Against the backdrop of growing global fragmentation and the weakening of universal international institutions, the role of so-called middle powers is increasing. These are states able to influence regional agendas without possessing great-power status. In this changing system, Central Asia is gradually moving beyond its long-standing image as a geopolitical periphery and is beginning to act more like a region with shared interests. For decades, the region was viewed mainly as a space where the interests of external powers, including Russia, China, the U.S., and others, intersected. Today, that paradigm is beginning to shift. Central Asia is showing greater signs of agency through what may be described as a cluster effect: individually, the countries have limited influence, but collectively they form an important transit hub between Europe and Asia, a growing market, a significant resource base, and a strategic security zone. This creates the conditions for a more coordinated regional position, even if a single regional voice is still emerging rather than fully formed. C5+Azerbaijan as a Foundation for Regional Architecture The institutional foundation of this process is the Central Asian leaders' consultative format, which is now expanding through Azerbaijan's participation. That is turning what was once a C5 dialogue into a looser C5+Azerbaijan, or C6, framework focused on transport, energy, and practical cooperation. Within this framework, the countries of the region are learning to act in a more coordinated manner without supranational pressure. In practice, this process is developing through three main areas. The first is transport and logistics. Azerbaijan's participation has strengthened efforts to make the Middle Corridor more coherent, though the route still faces bottlenecks in capacity, customs coordination, and Caspian crossings. Through tariff coordination, simplified border procedures, and investment in port and rail infrastructure, Central Asia and the Caucasus are increasingly functioning as parts of a single transport artery. That gives the region a faster option for cargo between China and Europe, even if it remains far smaller than traditional maritime routes. Shipping goods via the Suez Canal or the northern route can take between 35 and 45 days, whereas the Middle Corridor can reduce transit times to around 13-21 days under favorable conditions. According to forecasts cited by BCG, shipping volumes along the route could increase three- to fourfold during the current decade. Beyond logistics, the project is creating a new economic framework for the region. Its status as a crossroads is attracting investment in transport hubs and manufacturing facilities along the route, with the potential to turn transit corridors into zones of economic growth. This gives participating countries not only transit revenue but a stronger basis for long-term strategic resilience. The second major area is energy integration, where historical disputes over water and fuel resources are increasingly being supplemented by models of joint development. The Kambarata HPP-1 hydropower project in Kyrgyzstan, being developed with Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, has created an important precedent for shared management of water and energy interests. The project is expected to support cleaner electricity generation while helping stabilize irrigation flows...

Forced Labor

Forced Labor in Turkmenistan the Target of New EU-ILO Project

A new joint project is being launched by the International Labour Organization (ILO) and the European Union aimed at combating child and forced labor in Turkmenistan. Its focus is primarily on the country’s cotton sector, which has long faced criticism from human rights groups and international companies. The ILO announced the initiative on May 13. The program, titled Promoting Decent Work and Preventing Child and Forced Labour in Turkmenistan, is scheduled to run from 2026 to 2027 with the project’s budget estimated at approximately €2 million ($2.3 million). The initiative will focus on three main areas: updating labor legislation, implementing international labor standards, and strengthening institutional oversight mechanisms for the protection of workers’ rights. Organizers say the project’s ultimate goal is to prevent labor rights violations and create a more sustainable system for monitoring working conditions across the country. The initiative is directly linked to longstanding concerns over forced labor during Turkmenistan’s annual cotton harvest. Human rights organizations including turkmen.news, the Turkmen Initiative for Human Rights, Progres Foundation, and the Cotton Campaign previously released a joint report alleging that Turkmen authorities have only partially fulfilled commitments to reform the sector. According to the report, despite an official ban on child labor, minors continue to participate in cotton harvesting campaigns. Rights groups say some children assist relatives in meeting production quotas, while others work in the fields because of difficult economic conditions facing their families. The report also alleged that teachers, medical workers, utility employees, and other public-sector staff continue to be mobilized for cotton harvesting under state direction. The launch of the new project was discussed during a special event in Ashgabat attended by Turkmen Deputy Labor and Social Protection Minister Halbibi Tachjanova. “This project reflects Turkmenistan’s strong commitment to preventing child and forced labor, especially in the cotton sector, and to promoting decent working conditions,” Tachjanova said. European Union Ambassador to Turkmenistan Beata Pexa said the initiative should contribute to protecting labor rights and supporting sustainable economic development. However, it remains unclear whether the program will include mechanisms allowing workers subjected to forced labor to safely file complaints without fear of retaliation. The issue carries not only social but also economic significance for Turkmenistan. Cotton and textile products remain among the country’s key exports and an important source of foreign currency revenue. Both state authorities and private companies have been seeking to expand access to Western markets. In May, the textile company Batly Gadam from Balkanabat held talks with British retailer Primark and signed a memorandum of cooperation with Somerbond in London. Nevertheless, many international brands continue to avoid Turkmen textiles because of allegations involving forced labor practices. Against this backdrop, the new ILO-EU project is being viewed not only as an effort to prevent forced labor in Turkmenistan but also as a step toward rebuilding trust with international partners and global markets.

Food Security

Turkmenistan Pushes for Food Security with International Help

As Turkmenistan works to modernize food production, representatives from dozens of foreign companies were in the country this week for meetings on the agricultural and food industries as well as the packaging of goods. The Agro Pack Turkmenistan-2026 event reflected the Central Asian country’s efforts to turn the corner on reported food shortages, import dependence and high prices over many years – and evolve as an exporter. The impact of climate change on farming yields, along with recent shipping disruptions and higher fuel and transport costs linked to the Iran war, pose challenges to many regions working to maintain a stable supply. The Food and Agriculture Organization, a U.N. agency dedicated to food security, signed a deal to open an office in Turkmenistan in January as the country stepped up its campaign to improve production and quality with international help. Visiting Turkmenistan at the time, FAO Director-General Qu Dongyu said it was the last country in the region without “representation” of the U.N. agency and that a “turning point” had arrived. “In Turkmenistan, traditional agriculture has its limits,” Qu said. “But through innovation and modern technology, you can unleash the biggest potential of your land in this region.” During his visit, Qu said he had spoken to President Serdar Berdimuhamedov for one hour – far longer than he had expected. This week, Berdimuhamedov said in a message to participants in the May 12-14 Agro Pack conference that the state was coordinating with foreign companies to introduce “high technologies and innovative initiatives into large investment projects.” In addition, the president said, state-backed private Turkmen producers are making progress in “farming, livestock farming, the development of poultry complexes, greenhouse farms, meat and milk processing, the production of confectionery, fruit juices, juices and processed vegetables and melons.” The conference was held at Turkmenistan’s Chamber of Commerce and Industry in Ashgabat and drew diplomats and business executives from Pakistan, Azerbaijan, Türkiye, China, and other countries. Azerbaijani companies participated in the exhibition, according to Azerbaijan’s embassy. One was Gözel Seeds, which has seed breeding operations in Spain, Türkiye, Azerbaijan, and Uzbekistan. In another development, Kirill Zaitov, director of the Russian company AgroExport, said at the conference that there are plans to increase wheat flour supplies to Turkmenistan to 400 tons per day. Currently, the company exports 6,000 tons of products to Turkmenistan every month, according to the Business Turkmenistan website. Reports of food problems, including in Turkmenistan’s military, have persisted until recently. However, Turkmenistan reported a successful spring sowing campaign for potatoes and other crops that aims to increase domestic supply and reduce the need for imports.

CA5+UK

Opinion: UK’s C6 Engagement and the Opportunity for British Geostrategic Renewal

Along with Nicholas Spykman, Sir Halford Mackinder is one of the most pre-eminent thinkers in the field of geopolitics. Whilst today geopolitics is a term used interchangeably with “world affairs,” “international relations,” and “foreign policy,” Spykman and Mackinder used the phrase to describe the narrow academic study of how geography influences international relations and the conduct of states. In the 1904 paper, The Geographical Pivot of History, Mackinder theorized that the key to controlling the balance of power in the world rested in a “heartland” of Eurasia, comprising Eastern Europe and Central Asia. Mackinder described the heartland region as the “pivot region” for regional and global hegemony. The word “pivot” has recently been popularized in international relations, with examples including President Obama’s pivot to the Pacific and Britain’s Indo-Pacific pivot in the 2021 Integrated Review. In 1997, former U.S. National Security Adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski built on Mackinder’s ideas in his work, The Grand Chessboard. Brzezinski defined a geopolitical pivot as being “determined by their geography, which in some cases gives them a special role either in defining access to important areas or in denying resources to a significant player. In some cases, a geopolitical pivot may act as a defensive shield for a vital state or even a region.” To Mackinder and Brzezinski, Central Asia was a crucial geostrategic pivot. Central Asia - comprising the five states of Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Turkmenistan, collectively termed the C5 - is located between China, Russia, Iran, and Afghanistan. Thus, the near abroad of the region is defined by conflict between Russia and Ukraine, Iran and Israel/U.S., and between Taliban-run Afghanistan and Pakistan. Pragmatic engagement is a necessity for the C5 but has not stopped them from pursuing greater diversification in security and economic arrangements, and they remain committed to U.S.-led diplomatic initiatives. Faced with a regionally assertive superpower in China, risks created by Russia’s war in Ukraine, theocratic Iran, and the Taliban in Afghanistan, Central Asia has continued to show its desire to build and deepen its economic and security partnerships from beyond traditional powers – such as China and Russia – to states in the Gulf, the Caucasus, Western Europe, and elsewhere. The United Kingdom has emerged as a new and important partner. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has raised concerns in the Central Asian states about its regional revisionism, territorial ambitions, and Putin’s reconstruction of the Soviet Union. In 2014, Putin credited Nursultan Nazarbayev with having “created a state in a territory that had never had a state before,” adding that “the Kazakhs never had any statehood.” The remarks sparked anger in Kazakhstan and fed concern about Moscow’s view of post-Soviet sovereignty. Finally, Putin said that it would be best for Kazakhstan to “remain in the greater Russian world.” In The Grand Chessboard, Brzezinski predicted that “Russia without Ukraine can still strive for imperial status, but it would then become a predominantly Asian imperial state, more likely to be drawn into debilitating conflicts with aroused Central Asians.” Central Asia has been a...