• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00206 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10833 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00206 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10833 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00206 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10833 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00206 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10833 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00206 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10833 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00206 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10833 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00206 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10833 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00206 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10833 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%

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“Don’t Try to Please the West” – Screenwriter Kazybek Orazbek on Kazakh Cinema

Kazybek Orazbek is one of the screenwriters behind a recent shift in Kazakh cinema, as locally produced horror and thriller films have begun to punch above their weight, both at the domestic box-office and internationally. His credits include Dästür, the Kazakh-language horror film that earned more than 1 billion tenge ($2.2 million) in its first week, and Auru, a 2025 drama-thriller released with a 21+ rating in Kazakhstan and screened internationally under the English title Sicko. In an interview with The Times of Central Asia, Orazbek explains why deeply local stories can resonate globally, why Kazakhstan’s film industry needs international markets, and what mistake local filmmakers most often make when trying to appeal to Western audiences. TCA: Sicko, for which you wrote the screenplay, is a genre film aimed at mass audiences, yet it ended up in the International Film Festival Rotterdam program. Was that your goal from the beginning? Orazbek: Honestly, when we made the film, we weren’t thinking about festivals at all. We never set ourselves the task of getting into an international competition. We simply made a film we ourselves would want to watch. But after Dastur (Tradition), we met the European producer Anna Katchko and showed her Sicko. She immediately said the film had strong festival potential and started promoting it. That’s how it ended up in Rotterdam. If we had thought about festivals earlier, perhaps we could have submitted it to larger festivals as well. We finished the film after most major deadlines had already passed. TCA: How did international audiences react to the film? Orazbek: It was an interesting experience. We were given a fairly large screening hall with 600–700 seats. At first, the audience consisted mainly of Kazakhs living in Rotterdam and nearby cities, so everything felt familiar. I wasn’t nervous because our whole team was there – director Aitore Zholdaskali, actor Ayan Utepbergen, and producers Kuanysh Beisek and Almas Zhali. But then more and more foreigners started arriving, Europeans in the broadest sense, people of different ages, backgrounds and appearances. And when you realize they came specifically to watch a story created in Kazakhstan for a Kazakh audience, it becomes overwhelming. TCA: Were you nervous? Orazbek: It was a strange feeling. I was both happy and extremely anxious. I sat there listening to the audience reactions. They reacted even more intensely than audiences back home. They laughed exactly where they were supposed to laugh, and they were genuinely frightened where we wanted them to be frightened. Every emotion we had built into the film, they understood perfectly. That surprised me because they are far removed from Kazakh reality, yet they still connected with the story exactly as intended. Maybe that distance made their reactions somehow “cleaner” and more direct. Whenever someone left the theater, I worried they hated the movie. In my head I kept saying, “Please come back.” Thankfully, people returned and stayed until the end. TCA: And what was the reaction during the Q&A afterward? Orazbek: The film was very...

2 days ago

Opinion: Eurasia’s New Corridors Are More Than a Transit Race

Across Eurasia, new transport corridors are usually described as instruments of rivalry: routes to bypass Russia, ports to outflank competitors, or rail links to shift influence between regions. The conflict around Iran, the rivalry between India and Pakistan, instability in the Afghanistan-Pakistan zone, crises in the Middle East, sanctions, competition over transport routes, and growing struggles for transit influence all reinforce the image of a continent divided by political contradictions. Increasingly, this is the lens through which Eurasia is viewed. The development of transport routes and connectivity is now often explained through the logic of rivalry. Some corridors are described as alternatives to others. Certain ports are positioned against competing ports. Routes are increasingly perceived as tools of competition, circumvention, or geopolitical influence. The continent can also be viewed differently. Alongside political crises, another reality is visible: the continent continues to connect itself through new routes and networks. Railways, ports, energy grids, dry ports, container corridors, digital cables, and trade chains are gradually linking spaces that only recently were seen as separate regions. In many ways, Eurasia has always been a space of movement, exchange, and connectivity. The Silk Road Was a Network, Not a Single Route A recent article by News Central Asia made a simple but important observation: the Silk Road functioned because it belonged to everyone. This idea contains one of the central lessons of Eurasian history. The Silk Road was never a single road. It was not one unified highway built according to a master plan or controlled by a single center. For centuries, the continent was connected by a vast network of caravan routes, maritime pathways, mountain passes, cities, and trade hubs through which goods, people, knowledge, and ideas circulated. Some routes gained importance while others temporarily declined. States, empires, and commercial centers changed. New pathways emerged. Yet the network itself endured. The strength of the Silk Road lay not in one route, but in the multiplicity of connections. When one corridor became unsafe, trade shifted elsewhere. When political conditions changed, commerce adapted to a new geography. The continental network remained flexible and multilayered. This offers an important lesson for today’s Eurasian space as well. Many modern transport corridors did not emerge from nothing. In many respects, they follow historical logic. Railways have replaced caravan paths, dry ports have succeeded old trade hubs, and container routes continue along directions in which goods moved for centuries. Corridors and the Logic of Rivalry Today, most transport and economic corridors are interpreted as competing projects. Nearly every new route is framed through confrontation, alternatives, or attempts to bypass another direction. The Middle Corridor is often described as an alternative to northern routes. The International North-South Transport Corridor is presented as a separate geo-economic axis. Trans-Afghan projects are portrayed as competitors to other links between Central and South Asia. Chabahar and Gwadar are depicted as rival ports. Even the South Caucasus transport hub is increasingly viewed through the prism of struggles over control of routes and flows. Yet historically,...

2 days ago

From Golden Treasures to Looted Burial Mounds: How “Black Diggers” Are Destroying Eastern Kazakhstan’s History

Eastern Kazakhstan has gained international recognition for its extraordinary archaeological discoveries, but alongside that fame has come a growing threat: illegal treasure hunters, known locally as “black diggers,” are destroying historical monuments and depriving future generations of access to invaluable artifacts. Eastern Kazakhstan’s Archaeological Treasures In recent years, the Eastern Kazakhstan has become one of the most important archaeological regions in Central Asia. Researchers have uncovered ancient burial complexes belonging to the Saka, nomadic peoples of the early Iron Age whose sophisticated culture has challenged long-standing assumptions about the civilizations of the Eurasian steppe. Excavations at the Shilikty, Eleke Sazy, and Berel burial mounds have revealed thousands of gold ornaments, clothing adornments, and ceremonial decorations noted for their craftsmanship and artistic sophistication. At the Shilikty necropolis, archaeologists uncovered burials containing unique gold jewelry, including earrings, bracelets, fibulae, and miniature decorative elements used on clothing. Each object demonstrates extraordinary craftsmanship, intricate ornamentation, and meticulous attention to detail. [caption id="attachment_49642" align="aligncenter" width="1600"] @Yulia Chernyavskaya[/caption] At Eleke Sazy, archaeologists found an intact burial containing jewelry, clothing adornments, horse harness ornaments, and other decorative objects associated with a teenage archer who was no older than 18. A heavily looted grave of a girl aged 13 or 14, thought to have been his sister, was found nearby. Berel yielded particularly significant discoveries, including gold and bronze ornaments, clothing fragments, and horse trappings that reveal the high artistic culture of the ancient nomads. Artifacts from Berel were later displayed at the Fitzwilliam Museum in Cambridge, England, as part of the exhibition Gold of the Great Steppe, drawing widespread attention from scholars and visitors. The discoveries quickly gained international recognition and confirmed the sophisticated level of Saka civilization. Equally striking finds emerged from the Kurchum district, where archaeologists uncovered horse equipment, including bits, saddles, and straps, crafted from gold and preserved for millennia. These objects demonstrate that the nomadic cultures of Eastern Kazakhstan possessed metallurgical and jewelry-making skills comparable to the great centers of ancient craftsmanship. Every archaeological discovery offers another glimpse into the past, a chance to better understand the daily life, beliefs, and culture of the Saka. Yet these discoveries remain vulnerable to destruction by illegal excavators. The Rise of the Black Diggers Alongside the archaeological boom has come a darker phenomenon: the rapid growth of illegal treasure hunting. Rather than preserving history, black diggers destroy burial mounds and ancient cemeteries in search of gold and valuables, obliterating archaeological layers and artifacts that could provide scientists with invaluable information about the past. In many cases, illegal diggers arrive at excavation sites before archaeologists have even begun clearing the area. In pursuit of treasure, they use shovels and metal detectors, as well as heavy machinery such as bulldozers and excavators, which strip away entire layers of earth and destroy everything in their path. The scale of the destruction has become alarming. [caption id="attachment_49643" align="aligncenter" width="1600"] @Yulia Chernyavskaya[/caption] [caption id="attachment_49644" align="aligncenter" width="1600"] @Yulia Chernyavskaya[/caption] Last year, more than 200 burial mounds in the Zharma district of Kazakhstan’s...

3 days ago

Top U.S. State Department Official Travels to Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan

Sarah B. Rogers, a senior official at the United States Department of State whose job includes engaging foreign publics through educational, cultural, and other means, will visit Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan as part of a trip to Central Asia and South Asia. Rogers, the under secretary of state for public diplomacy and public affairs, will also visit India and Nepal during the May 27-June 10 tour, according to the State Department. President Donald Trump nominated Rogers, a lawyer, to the post early last year and she was sworn in on October 10, 2025. The president has since nominated her to head the U.S Agency for Global Media, a federal agency tasked with disseminating information to international audiences that has been in turmoil since early in Trump’s second term. If confirmed, Rogers would keep her current job while also running the agency. The Trump administration sharply scaled back the operations of the global media agency, which oversees Voice of America and other U.S.-funded outlets, as part of a broader reduction in funding for U.S. aid projects around the world. Central Asia was among the affected regions where some U.S. funding was withdrawn, even as Washington ramped up economic and diplomatic initiatives with governments in that region. U.S. administration officials have alleged that the global media agency was vulnerable to political bias and management, though supporters said it played a valuable role in disseminating information in countries led by authoritarian governments. Lawsuits and court rulings have slowed the push to dismantle the agency. In her role as under secretary, Rogers has criticized what she calls censorship in Europe, saying speech regulation there is placing unfair restrictions on U.S. tech companies and undermining democracy. Opponents say she is seeking common cause with ideological allies of the Trump administration in Europe. “Truth-telling and censorship circumvention, including in closed societies, are critical causes for me,” Rogers said after her March nomination to lead the U.S. Agency for Global Media.

4 days ago

Opinion: Water Without a Guarantor – Central Asia’s Next Security Test

The Fourth High-Level International Conference on the International Decade for Action, “Water for Sustainable Development,“ taking place in Dushanbe on May 25-28, comes at a difficult moment. Central Asia's water problem is no longer only about environmental management; it is moving into the field of regional security. The conference agenda is familiar and necessary: climate, investment, innovation, transboundary cooperation, and the implementation of the Water Action Decade. The harder question is what happens outside the conference hall. Does Central Asia still have a credible way to stop water stress from becoming an interstate crisis? For decades, the region operated in a post-Soviet setting in which Moscow shaped many security calculations, even though it was never a formal water arbiter. That setting has weakened. Russia has not disappeared from Central Asia, and it still retains military, economic, and institutional leverage. But since 2022, its role as the assumed external stabilizer has become less convincing. The result is not a simple vacuum. It is a more awkward reality: a region with many outside actors, but no trusted water-security guarantor. The Old Backdrop Is Weakening Central Asia's water system was built around a Soviet-era division of functions. Upstream republics, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan, controlled the mountains, reservoirs, and hydropower potential. Downstream republics, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan, depended on seasonal water flows for agriculture, food security, and social stability. The Soviet system managed those tensions through central planning. After independence, cooperation became more fragile. Water, energy, borders, electricity, and agriculture were separated into national strategies. The rivers, however, remained transboundary. For many years, Russia remained the largest external power around which regional security calculations were organized. That did not make Moscow an effective water manager, but it helped shape the political environment. Today, that environment has changed. The CSTO did not prevent the Kyrgyz-Tajik border escalations of recent years. Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan eventually reached a border agreement through direct negotiation rather than outside enforcement. That difference is not academic. Water disputes are rarely settled by conferences alone. They need trusted channels for mediation, compensation, and restraint when pressure builds. Central Asia has plenty of statements about cooperation. It has fewer tools for managing coercion when water becomes scarce. Three Pressure Points The region's water-security stress is already visible in three places. The first is Afghanistan's Qosh-Tepa Canal. The canal draws water from the Amu Darya, a river system critical for Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan. Because Afghanistan was not part of the old Soviet water-allocation arrangements, the Taliban government is creating a new upstream reality outside the inherited regional framework. Estimates of the canal's downstream impact vary widely. Some analyses suggest it could divert between 15 and 30% of the Amu Darya's flow, depending on the completion timeline, irrigation efficiency, and water-management practices. The Times of Central Asia previously reported that reduced Amu Darya flows could indirectly affect Kazakhstan if Uzbekistan compensates by drawing more heavily on the Syr Darya. Carnegie has described the Qosh-Tepa as a serious test for regional water cooperation. The second pressure point...

4 days ago

Trump and Tokayev Secure a Historic $4.2 Billion Locomotive Deal

Washington, D.C. – The United States and Kazakhstan have finalized the largest locomotive agreement in history, a $4.2 billion deal that underscores American industrial strength and deepens ties between the two nations. The announcement came following a call between President Donald Trump and Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, which officials say directly helped bring the deal across the finish line. The U.S. Department of Commerce confirmed that Pennsylvania-based Wabtec will supply about 300 Evolution Series locomotives, in kit form, to Kazakhstan’s state railway over the next decade. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick emphasized the scale of the export package, writing on X that the deal is “more than just a huge success story. It’s about American innovation leading the world, supporting thousands of jobs in TX & PA, and strengthening the U.S.–Kazakhstan partnership.” For Trump, the Pennsylvania tie is notable — the state is both home to Wabtec and a perennial battleground in presidential politics. What Trump and Tokayev said President Trump celebrated the breakthrough personally on Truth Social: “I just concluded a wonderful call with the Highly Respected President of Kazakhstan, Kassym-Jomart Kemeluly Tokayev. They have signed the largest Railroad Equipment Purchase in History, $4 Billion Dollars Worth of United States Locomotives and Rail Equipment”. He continued: “Congratulations to President Tokayev on his great purchase. This Country, and the World, was built on reliable, beautiful Railroads. Now they will be coming back, FAST!” Earlier in September, Trump had told reporters he had a “great conversation” with Tokayev — a remark that signaled improving ties between Washington and Astana ahead of the deal. On Sept. 22, the Commerce Department formally confirmed the $4.2 billion agreement. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick, in a separate statement on X, emphasized that the leaders’ engagement helped pave the way and argued the deal strengthens an enhanced strategic partnership while embedding American technology in Eurasian connectivity. President Tokayev, for his part, has emphasized transport and logistics as central to Kazakhstan’s role as a “link between Europe and Asia,” calling for expanded rail infrastructure and modern customs systems. In July, amid tariff tensions, he assured Trump in a letter that Kazakhstan was “ready for constructive dialogue” and was confident a compromise could be reached — a posture that laid groundwork for the closer economic cooperation reflected in this deal. Why It Matters: Unlocking Regional Corridors to the West The locomotives will reinforce capacity along the Trans-Caspian “Middle Corridor,” a trade route carrying goods from Central Asia through the South Caucasus and into Europe—an alternative to Russian and Iranian transit that governments have accelerated since 2022. A critical gap in that chain was addressed through U.S.-brokered diplomacy in August 2025, when President Trump hosted Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev at the White House. The two leaders signed a peace declaration after decades of conflict and committed to reopening transport links, most notably a 42-kilometer passage through Armenia’s Syunik province, commonly called the Zangezur corridor or the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP). By...

8 months ago