• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00216 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10718 0.28%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00216 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10718 0.28%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00216 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10718 0.28%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00216 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10718 0.28%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00216 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10718 0.28%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00216 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10718 0.28%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00216 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10718 0.28%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00216 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10718 0.28%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%

Our People > Stephen M. Bland

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Stephen M. Bland

Managing Editor and Head of Investigations

Stephen M. Bland is a journalist, author, editor, commentator, and researcher specializing in Central Asia and the Caucasus. Prior to joining The Times of Central Asia, he worked for NGOs, think tanks, as the Central Asia expert on a forthcoming documentary series, for the BBC, The Diplomat, EurasiaNet, and numerous other publications.

His award-winning book on Central Asia was published in 2016, and he is currently putting the finishing touches to a book about the Caucasus.

Articles

Regional Ecological Summit in Astana Produces Ecology Declaration and Broader Regional Agenda

Central Asian leaders have adopted the Astana declaration on ecology and sustainable development, giving the Regional Ecological Summit in Astana a formal political outcome while a wider package of biodiversity, climate, and pollution initiatives takes shape around it. Kazakhstan’s environment ministry says the five heads of state adopted the document, titled “Ecological Solidarity of Central Asia,” during the April 22 to 24 Summit. The declaration sets out a common regional position on several of Central Asia’s biggest environmental pressures. According to the ministry summary, the text calls for closer coordination in climate negotiations, glacier preservation, the mountain agenda, biodiversity, chemical and waste management, plastic pollution, air quality, land degradation, and desertification. It also presents the declaration as a contribution to ecological sustainability, inclusive economic growth, and a sustainable future for the region. Water runs through the document, but the language is careful. The declaration welcomes work on an interstate program to conserve the Caspian Sea and expresses concern about declining water levels and the shallowing of lakes in Central Asia. It also notes Kazakhstan’s proposal for a possible International Water Organization within the United Nations system, but stops short of endorsing its creation. The summit’s outcome does not rest on a single document. On April 24, the United Nations Environment Programme said the Astana meeting had launched new regional partnerships on circular economy and glaciers, while countries established common approaches on biodiversity, climate action, and air pollution. UNEP also said a regional climate and ecology investment portfolio was set up to widen access to international finance for environmental projects. A separate biodiversity track had already produced its own result earlier in the week. On April 22, UNDP in Kazakhstan said Central Asian countries had signed a regional declaration on biodiversity conservation during a high-level plenary session in Astana. According to UNDP, the document envisages an umbrella programme and action plan, as well as a regional resource mobilization plan to be presented at COP17 in Armenia. Outside confirmation of the main declaration has also become clearer. EFE reported on April 22 that the five Central Asian republics had approved the Astana Declaration of Ecological Solidarity, linking it to Tokayev’s focus on water security, the Aral Sea, and the Caspian. Put together, the Astana summit now looks like a broader regional attempt to turn shared ecological pressure into a workable political agenda. The summit’s next test will be whether these declarations and partnerships are followed by funding, coordination, and cross-border implementation.

2 weeks ago

Russia to Halt Kazakh Oil Flow to Germany, Exposing Europe’s Transit Vulnerability

Russia will stop the transit of Kazakh oil to Germany through the Druzhba pipeline from May 1 according to Reuters, disrupting a route that Berlin had built up after ending direct Russian crude imports. The move affects supplies to the PCK refinery in Schwedt, a major fuel plant for Berlin and Brandenburg. Russia’s Deputy Prime Minister Alexander Novak said the change would begin because of “technical possibilities.” Germany’s economy ministry said Rosneft Germany, which remains under German trusteeship, had informed the Federal Network Agency that transit of Kazakh crude through Russian territory to PCK would be prohibited from that date. The ministry added that the Russian government had not directly notified Berlin. Germany’s economy ministry said the stoppage did not threaten fuel supply and that existing alternatives would be used. About 17% of PCK Schwedt’s current crude supply comes from Kazakh oil delivered through the Druzhba pipeline. Germany’s economy ministry said that “existing options will be utilized to ensure security of supply in Germany” and that the halt “did not put the security of supply of petroleum products in jeopardy.” [caption id="attachment_47676" align="aligncenter" width="1038"] Image: pck.de/[/caption] However, the halt still exposes Germany’s reliance on a route that runs through Russia. Schwedt can process up to 12 million metric tons of oil a year and is a major fuel supplier for Berlin and Brandenburg, so any disruption attracts close attention even if replacement volumes can be found elsewhere. Germany has already looked at alternative deliveries through Rostock and Gdansk. Since 2023, Kazakh crude has reached Germany through Russia and Belarus via the Druzhba pipeline, giving Berlin a non-Russian source of oil and expanding Astana’s role in the European market. But the route still relied on Russian transit approval. The halt comes after two years of growth. Regular deliveries of Kazakh crude to Germany began in 2023, and in October 2025, the supply arrangement was extended through the end of 2026. Kazakhstan had been planning to expand that trade further. During an April 7 meeting with Bavarian State Minister Eric Beißwenger, Kazakhstan’s Energy Ministry said it aimed to raise oil exports to Germany to 2.5 million tons in 2026. Reuters reported that 2.146 million metric tons were delivered in 2025 and that 730,000 tons were supplied in the first quarter of 2026. KazTransOil has separately published its first-quarter operating results. Kazakhstan’s Energy Minister Yerlan Akkenzhenov confirmed that Druzhba transit to Germany would be halted. “For May, transit through Atyrau-Samara in the direction of the Druzhba pipeline and further to the Schwedt refinery is zero,” Akkenzhenov stated. He added that the Russian side, according to unofficial information, said it lacked the technical capability to pump Kazakh oil and that this was “most likely” linked to recent strikes on Russian infrastructure. He said transit would resume once the technical issue was resolved. Kazakh crude sent to Germany through Druzhba first moves via the Uzen-Atyrau-Samara pipeline and then through Transneft’s system to the Adamova Zastava delivery point before reaching Schwedt. The oil is sold as...

2 weeks ago

Regional Ecological Summit to Open in Astana Amid Pressure on Water, Trade, and Regional Cooperation

When the Regional Ecological Summit (RES 2026) opens in Astana this Wednesday, the official framing will center on Shared Vision for a Resilient Future, combining practical regional solutions with diplomatic ambitions that include a Joint Declaration and a 2026-2030 Program of Action. Behind that language sits a harder reality. Water and energy officials in Tashkent, Bishkek, and Astana are dealing with a region which is drying out faster than its infrastructure and politics are adapting. That gives the summit a sharper edge than earlier environmental gatherings. Two issues stand out: the management of winter water-sharing arrangements ahead of the irrigation season, and the way the shrinking Caspian could constrain the Middle Corridor. The Toktogul Equation: A Fragile "Winter-for-Summer" Swap The most immediate point of pressure is the Toktogul Reservoir in Kyrgyzstan. In late 2025, an agreement was reached under which Kyrgyzstan would limit winter hydropower generation, preserving water for downstream Kazakh and Uzbek farmers, in exchange for electricity supplies from its neighbors. The arrangement remains in place, but its durability will be tested as summer demand rises. One question hanging over the summit is whether Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan will provide enough power support to help Kyrgyzstan conserve water without reopening old upstream-downstream tensions. For downstream states, that is not only a water issue but an agricultural and political one. The Caspian Emergency: Depth as a Trade Barrier For years, the shallowing of the Caspian was treated as a long-term problem. In 2026, it is becoming an operational one. According to recent reporting, Aktau port is operating at an average depth of 4.5 meters, far below the 6.5 to 7 meters needed for full operations. The summit will also highlight the Integrated Management of Seascapes project. The UNDP-linked initiative is intended to balance the need for dredging and port access with protection of the northern Caspian’s fragile ecosystem. That tension is no longer theoretical. It now touches trade, shipping capacity, and the future of the corridor itself. The Digital Transition One of the summit’s more concrete strands is the National Water Resources Information System. According to the Kazakh government, the system is to enter industrial operation by the end of 2026. The plan is to automate 103 irrigation canals in southern Kazakhstan using $1.15 billion in financing from the Islamic Development Bank. The broader regional test is whether neighboring states will share enough data to support a cross-border water monitoring system, giving officials a clearer view of how shared resources are being managed. The Green Energy Corridor Alongside the water agenda, the Green Energy Corridor remains one of the projects that clearly aligns Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, and Uzbekistan. The plan is to transmit green electricity to Europe via a subsea cable across the Caspian. CESI is finalizing the feasibility study, pointing to an export model that leans less on hydrocarbons and more on regional infrastructure. It also shows how environmental pressure and economic strategy are starting to overlap. For Central Asian governments, climate policy is no longer only about adaptation. It is...

2 weeks ago

Kazakhstan’s Regional Ecological Summit 2026: What It Is and Why It Matters

Kazakhstan’s Regional Ecological Summit 2026 in Astana on April 22-24 is aiming to turn Central Asia’s environmental strain into a regional political agenda. Organized in partnership with the United Nations, the summit is built around the theme, “Shared Vision for a Resilient Future.” Its stated purpose is to bring together governments, international organizations, lenders, businesses, researchers, and civil society to push for joint and practical responses to climate and ecological pressures across the region. President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev first proposed hosting a regional climate summit in Kazakhstan under UN auspices during his 2023 speech at the 78th session of the UN General Assembly. By 2026, that idea had broadened into a wider environmental summit covering climate transition, adaptation, food security, natural resource management, air pollution, waste, finance, and environmental skills. The official key thematic directions show that this is no longer a narrowly framed climate conference. It is being presented as a broader Central Asian platform for ecological cooperation. In Central Asia, ecological stress now shapes core state concerns, from farming and energy to public health and cross-border cooperation. That gives the Astana summit a broader role than a standard environment conference. That shift reflects real regional pressures. Central Asia faces chronic water stress, glacier retreat, desertification, air pollution, and growing strain on ecosystems. The summit’s organizers say the meeting is meant to produce joint solutions rather than another round of abstract pledges. The UN in Kazakhstan says the summit is expected to advance shared regional responses and identify green financing needs, while a second UN page states that one planned outcome is a Joint Declaration by the heads of state of Central Asia, alongside a 2026-2030 Programme of Action developed with the United Nations. Tokayev’s own language explains the summit’s pitch. On August 5, 2025, speaking at the Third United Nations Conference on Landlocked Developing Countries in Awaza, Turkmenistan, he said, “Many developing countries without access to the sea are facing water scarcity, glacier melt, desertification, and other extreme weather events. Addressing these challenges requires coordinated regional efforts and strong international support. At the same time, I believe that measures to combat climate change must remain balanced and inclusive, and respond to the legitimate development needs of countries. To strengthen our joint efforts in addressing climate change, I invite you to the Regional Ecological Summit, which will be held in Astana in partnership with the United Nations.” The wording shows how Kazakhstan wants to frame the event. Central Asia’s environmental problems cross borders, but the response, in Tokayev’s view, must also accommodate growth, infrastructure, and development. That is why the summit is being presented not just as a climate gathering, but as a forum linking ecological policy, investment, technology, and state planning. The EXPO component is part of that design. Government and investment-promotion pages say the parallel exhibition will focus on green technologies, ESG tools, and practical climate solutions, linking diplomacy to project finance and implementation. The summit’s speaker list underlines its international reach. The official RES 2026 page includes...

2 weeks ago

Central Asia Came to Antalya With a Clearer Voice and a Wider Agenda

The Antalya Diplomacy Forum, from April 17 to 19, brought together heads of state, foreign ministers, and senior officials at a tense moment in international politics. The official theme, “Mapping Tomorrow, Managing Uncertainties,” reflected the backdrop: war in the Middle East, pressure on trade, and growing doubts about the strength of international institutions. Central Asia did not dominate the gathering, but the region was visible across the program and in the meetings around it. Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev was the highest-profile regional figure in attendance, while Kyrgyzstan sent Foreign Minister Jeenbek Kulubaev, Turkmenistan sent Foreign Minister Rashid Meredov, and Tajikistan sent Deputy Foreign Minister Farrukh Sharifzoda. Uzbekistan was also active through Foreign Minister Bakhtiyor Saidov in meetings held during the forum dates. The strongest Central Asian intervention came from Tokayev. Speaking at a panel session, he said the United Nations remains indispensable, but also made clear that its present structure is failing to keep up with current crises. “We must honestly acknowledge that the Security Council is the central element in the reform of the United Nations,” he said. He also warned that many key negotiations now take place outside the UN system, in separate capitals and closed rooms, rather than through the institution that was built for that purpose. Tokayev framed the problem in practical terms rather than abstract ones. He said global leaders must approach peace and security “with a strong sense of responsibility,” adding that “we must act more responsibly and exercise restraint.” Tokayev also said Kazakhstan calls on all countries involved in the Iran conflict to cease hostilities while keeping the focus on the core issue of nuclear proliferation. His language matched the line Astana has tried to hold for years: avoid escalation, preserve room for dialogue, and keep diplomatic channels open. Tokayev went further when he turned to the role of what he called “middle powers,” naming Kazakhstan and Türkiye among the states that, in his view, show a high degree of responsibility in both diplomacy and practice. He said it would “not be an exaggeration to say that today middle powers often demonstrate a greater degree of responsibility than major powers represented in the Security Council, which, regrettably, often obstruct the resolution of key global issues.” That was one of the sharper lines delivered at the summit. It also showed how Kazakhstan now wants to place itself in the world: not as a passive actor caught between larger powers, but as a state that can help steady an increasingly unstable system. Türkiye was central to that framing. At the start of his remarks, Tokayev praised President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s role in the region and said Kazakhstan was looking forward to Erdoğan’s state visit next month. That also reflects a broader trend of closer coordination between Kazakhstan and Türkiye, including in the Trans-Caspian transport route (Middle Corridor) and shifting Caspian dynamics. Uzbekistan approached the summit in Antalya differently. Tashkent did not have a presidential intervention on the main stage, but it used the gathering for...

2 weeks ago

Kyrgyz President Denounces “Politicized” Sanctions on Banks

President Sadyr Japarov has sharply criticized the United States and United Kingdom for imposing what he has called unfounded sanctions on Kyrgyz financial institutions, urging Western leaders to stop “politicizing the economy.” In an interview with state news agency Kabar, Japarov defended two state-owned banks – Keremet Bank and Capital Bank – against allegations that they helped Russia skirt international sanctions, insisting that no evidence of violations has been presented. Neither the UK nor the U.S. has provided a single fact of violation… such facts simply do not exist,” Japarov said, dismissing the sanctions as politically motivated. UK and U.S. Target Kyrgyz Banks for Russia Sanctions Evasion Japarov’s comments come after a new wave of Western measures targeting Kyrgyzstan’s banking and crypto sectors for purported links to Russian sanctions evasion. On August 20, London sanctioned Kyrgyzstan-based Capital Bank – along with its director, Kantemir Chalbayev – alleging the bank was being used by Moscow to pay for military goods as part of a “convoluted scheme” to evade sanctions. The British authorities also blacklisted two Kyrgyz cryptocurrency exchanges - Grinex and Meer - that ran the infrastructure for a new rouble-backed crypto coin called A7A5, which moved an estimated $9.3 billion in just four months and was “intentionally created to evade sanctions.” The UK’s sanctions minister, Stephen Doughty, warned that “laundering transactions through dodgy crypto networks” would not soften the blow of Western sanctions. These steps followed a U.S. Treasury designation in January 2025 against Keremet Bank, a mid-sized Kyrgyz lender, for creating a hub for trade payments that helped Moscow evade restrictions. U.S. officials allege that Keremet Bank facilitated cross-border transactions for Russia’s sanctioned Promsvyazbank and even sold a controlling stake to a firm linked to a pro-Kremlin oligarch – moves Washington viewed as part of a secret channel to re-export dual-use goods and finance Russia’s defense sector. Those actions marked one of the first instances of Western “secondary sanctions” against Central Asian entities – penalties on third-country institutions accused of abetting a sanctioned nation’s activities. Kyrgyz Government’s Defensive Measures President Japarov contends that Kyrgyzstan has been proactive in compliance and that the West’s suspicions are misplaced. He noted that 21 banks operate in Kyrgyzstan, and authorities deliberately limited all Russian rouble transactions to just two state-controlled banks to shield the rest of the financial sector from any inadvertent sanctions breach. “To prevent any of them from falling under sanctions, we decided that only the state-owned Keremet Bank would work with the Russian rouble… All operations are under state control, and the income goes directly to the state treasury,” Japarov stated. Earlier this year, the government expanded this approach by channeling rouble remittances and payments through Capital Bank, which was brought under 100% state ownership in April. The National Bank of Kyrgyzstan ordered that all cross-border transfers in roubles – including the billions of roubles sent home by Kyrgyz migrant workers each day – be processed exclusively via Capital Bank. Kyrgyz officials argued this centralization was meant to “ensure transparency of...

9 months ago

China Strengthens Partnerships Across Central Asia at Landmark Summit

Chinese President Xi Jinping’s visit to Astana on June 16, ahead of the Second China-Central Asia Summit, marked a significant milestone in fostering deeper partnerships between China and Central Asia. With all of the region’s nations in attendance, the summit saw agreements signed across sectors such as energy, infrastructure, agriculture, and technology, solidifying China’s growing influence in the strategically vital region. According to Kazinform, China and the Central Asian nations are poised to finalize over 35 memorandums collectively valued at more than $17 billion during the second China-Central Asia Business Council meeting in Astana on June 17. A Lavish Welcome and Key Agreements [caption id="attachment_33021" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] Image: Akorda[/caption] Xi Jinping arrived in Astana amid unprecedented pomp and ceremony, including an honor guard, traditional dances, children in national costumes, and an escort of Kazakh Air Force fighter jets. This grand welcome highlighted the importance of the China-Kazakhstan partnership. During talks with Kazakh President Tokayev, the two leaders oversaw agreements spanning areas such as energy, space, agriculture, intellectual property, tourism, healthcare, science, and the digital economy. Tokayev spoke about Kazakhstan’s plans to build several nuclear power plants, including one with the involvement of China National Nuclear Corporation (CNNC). Characterizing CNNC as a “reliable strategic partner,” he also emphasized Kazakhstan’s role as a supplier of natural uranium and nuclear fuel to China. “CNNC is known worldwide for its high competence, so it will certainly occupy a worthy niche in our market,” Tokayev stated. Infrastructure development under China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) also took center stage. Plans to modernize logistics corridors, simplify customs procedures, and build new border facilities were discussed, reinforcing Kazakhstan’s role as a critical transit hub. The bilateral meeting was preceded by joint events, where business leaders from both nations signed dozens of agreements, including a $1 billion loan from the China Development Bank to the Development Bank of Kazakhstan. Another significant agreement saw Kazakhstan partnering with CNNC, Xiamen Wanli Stone, and the Satpayev Institute of Geological Sciences to explore cross-border ore belts and uranium extraction. Kazakhstan’s Role as a Regional Leader Kazakhstan has become central to China’s regional strategy, a focus reinforced during Xi Jinping’s visit, where Tokayev described China as a “close friend and reliable partner.” Kazakh Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of the National Economy, Serik Zhumangarin, meanwhile, highlighted the increasing significance of cooperation in agriculture and logistics within the region. “Central Asia is a key region for the development of dryland farming in the world. Currently, the countries of the region are actively promoting and diversifying the export of organic agricultural products to the Chinese market. Camel milk from Kazakhstan, cherries from Uzbekistan, dried fruits from Tajikistan, honey from the Kyrgyz Republic, and cotton from Turkmenistan are increasingly entering the Chinese market and are highly appreciated by consumers,” he stated. Zhumangarin also stressed the critical role of transport infrastructure in facilitating connectivity. At present, over 80% of land transportation between China and Europe passes through Kazakhstan. “We are interested in further deepening cooperation within China’s...

11 months ago

Despite USAID Funding Cuts, Kyrgyzstan Plans to Reintroduce Goitered Gazelle at Issyk-Kul

Kyrgyzstan has launched an ambitious project to restore the population and natural habitat of the goitered gazelle on the southern shore of Lake Issyk-Kul, a region once home to these graceful creatures. Led by the Argali Public Fund, Ilbirs Fund, and the Gulistan farm, the reintroduction effort marks a significant step toward reversing the species' decline and restoring balance to the local ecosystem. Reviving a Lost Species The goitered gazelle, an elegant herbivore from the bovid family, was once abundant in the Issyk-Kul region. However, its population collapsed after the 1930s due to widespread poaching and the conversion of natural landscapes for agricultural and economic development. Today, the species is listed in Kyrgyzstan's Red Book of endangered species, making their conservation an urgent priority. Found across Central Asia — from Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan to Iran and beyond — the gazelle is integral to maintaining the balance of steppe and desert ecosystems. On the southern shore of Issyk-Kul, conditions remain favorable for the return of the goitered gazelle. However, decades of human activity and habitat loss have driven them away, leaving reintroduction as the most viable path to restoration. The project employs a “soft release” approach, starting with a semi-free adaptation phase. Animals are first acclimatized and allowed to breed in a controlled environment before being released back into the wild. This method reduces the risks associated with sudden release and ensures a higher survival rate. The Project in Action Currently, the Gulistan farm houses a herd of 43 gazelles. By the end of the year, the number is expected to grow to 60, with the first batch of 25 animals scheduled for release in 2025. Organizers aim to release an additional 15-20 gazelles annually, slowly building a self-sustaining wild population. If conservation measures, particularly anti-poaching efforts, prove successful, the gazelle population in Issyk-Kul could reach 500 within the next decade. Gazelles play an essential role in their environments, feeding on thorny and toxic plants that other species avoid. This behavior helps control invasive vegetation and supports the overall health of the ecosystem. Their presence also benefits predators such as wolves and snow leopards, creating a natural chain of biodiversity. Broader Impact on Biodiversity and Ecotourism The reintroduction of the goitered gazelle represents more than just species preservation; it is a step toward restoring the ecological integrity of the Issyk-Kul landscape. A thriving population of gazelles can boost biodiversity by fostering healthier, more balanced ecosystems. Their grazing patterns promote plant regeneration, which in turn supports a variety of other species, from insects to birds of prey. Furthermore, the project has significant potential to bolster Kyrgyzstan's ecotourism sector. Issyk-Kul is already a popular destination for outdoor enthusiasts, and the presence of rare and protected wildlife like the goitered gazelle could attract even more visitors. Eco-friendly tourism initiatives could offer guided safaris to observe the gazelles in their natural habitat, providing educational opportunities while generating revenue for local communities. President Japarov has underscored the importance of halting illegal hunting, urging communities to see...

1 year ago

The Ruthless History of the Great Game in Central Asia

In the so-called New Great Game, Central Asia is no longer a mere backdrop; with its strategic location, massive oil and gas reserves, and newfound deposits of critical raw materials, it’s a key player. In stark contrast to events in the 19th century, this time, Central Asia finds itself courted by four great powers - China, the EU, the U.S., and Russia - instead of caught in the crosshairs of conquest. The region finds itself with agency. However, the original Great Game was anything but fair play. Comprising vast steppes, nomadic horsemen, descendants of Genghis Khan’s Great Horde, and a lone nation of Persians, during the 19th century, the once-thriving Silk Road states became entangled in a high-stakes battle of expansion and espionage between Britain and Russia. Afghanistan became the buffer zone, while the rest of the region fell under Russian control, vanishing behind what became known as the “Iron Curtain” for almost a century. The term “Great Game” was first coined by British intelligence officer Arthur Conolly in the 19th century, during his travels through the fiercely contested region between the Caucasus and the Khyber. He used it in a letter to describe the geopolitical chessboard unfolding before him. While Conolly introduced the idea, it was Rudyard Kipling who made it famous in his 1904 novel Kim, depicting the contest as the epic power clash between Tsarist Russia and the British Empire over India. Conolly’s reports impressed both Calcutta and London, highlighting Afghanistan’s strategic importance. Britain pledged to win over Afghan leaders — through diplomacy, if possible, and by force, if necessary. The Afghan rulers found themselves caught in a barrage of imperial ambition, as the British and Russian Empires played on their vulnerabilities to serve their own strategic goals. Former Ambassador Sergio Romano summed it up perfectly in I Luoghi della Storia: "The Afghans spent much of the 19th century locked in a diplomatic and military chess match with the great powers — the infamous 'Great Game,' where the key move was turning the Russians against the Brits and the Brits against the Russians." The Great Game can be said to have been initiated on January 12, 1830, when Lord Ellenborough, President of the Board of Control for India, instructed Lord William Bentinck, the Governor-General, to create a new trade route to the Emirate of Bukhara. Britain aimed to dominate Afghanistan, turning it into a protectorate, while using the Ottoman Empire, Persian Empire, Khanate of Khiva, and Emirate of Bukhara as buffer states. This strategy was designed to safeguard India and key British sea trade routes, blocking Russia from accessing the Persian Gulf or the Indian Ocean. Russia countered by proposing Afghanistan as a neutral zone. The ensuing conflicts included the disastrous First Anglo-Afghan War (1838), the First Anglo-Sikh War (1845), the Second Anglo-Sikh War (1848), the Second Anglo-Afghan War (1878), and Russia’s annexation of Kokand. At the start of the Central Asian power struggle, both Britain and Russia had scant knowledge of the region's people, terrain, or...

1 year ago

Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan Implement Free Trade Agreement

On February 25, 2025, the free trade agreement between Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan officially came into effect, eliminating customs duties on most goods produced in both countries, with certain exceptions. This landmark move aims to strengthen trade and economic ties between the two neighbors. The announcement was made by Uzbekistan’s Ministry of Investments, Industry, and Trade on March 7, following the completion of all legal procedures for the Protocol on Exceptions to the Free Trade Regime, signed on July 16, 2024. The protocol had been approved earlier by Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev through Resolution No. 29 on January 27, 2025. Key Provisions and Economic Sectors Under the new trade rules, Turkmenistan has removed customs duties on a range of key Uzbek exports, including the following items with their previous tariffs or taxes noted: Cement (100%) Textiles (50%) Furniture (50%) Glass containers (50%) Water heating boilers (15%) Plastic and polypropylene products (10%) Sausages and meat products ($2 per kg) Cottonseed oil ($1 per kg) Officials anticipate that the free trade system will boost economic activity between the two countries by facilitating business operations and encouraging investment. The Uzbek Ministry of Investments, Industry, and Trade, along with other government bodies, is working to help Uzbek businesses maximize the benefits of the new trade framework, whilst both governments expect the deal to accelerate industrial cooperation across sectors such as construction, agriculture, and manufacturing. Growing Trade Volume or a One-Way Street? The agreement reflects already expanding trade dynamics. According to TurkmenPortal, trade turnover between Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan increased by 23% in the first quarter of 2024 compared to the same period in 2023, reaching $455 million. Turkmen exports to Uzbekistan surged by 36%, totaling $407 million. Turkmenistan's imports from Uzbekistan experienced a 30% decline, however, dropping from $69.2 million to $48 million during the January- May period compared to the same timeframe in 2023. Strengthened Bilateral Relations and Regional Impact Nevertheless, the agreement represents more than economic policy and could underscore a new era of trust and cooperation. Both countries have worked to improve their relationship through proactive diplomacy, with recent high-level meetings - including those between Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev and Turkmen President Serdar Berdimuhamedov - emphasizing the shared goal of collaborating across trade, cultural, and political spheres. The free trade regime sets a benchmark for greater economic collaboration within Central Asia, whilst the elimination of tariffs and smoother trade between Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan could inspire similar agreements among neighboring countries. While challenges such as infrastructure harmonization and policy alignment remain, the benefits of this agreement showcase the potential for regional integration.

1 year ago