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Caspian Pipeline Consortium

When the War Reaches Kazakh Oil

Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine unleashed the war now expanding across the Black Sea, but it did not erase the distinction between Russian military logistics and the lawful commerce of other states. Kazakhstan is not a party to the war, yet its principal oil export route passes through an expanding maritime target zone. The attacks near the Caspian Pipeline Consortium terminal therefore raise a larger question: can civilian trade carrying Kazakh crude be treated as part of Russia’s war economy simply because geography places its outlet on the Russian coast? Four vessels were attacked near CPC’s Black Sea terminal on July 17, 19, and 20. Nordic Zenith, chartered by ExxonMobil according to Reuters, was empty and approaching the terminal when it was hit on July 17. Two days later, ASIA and NISSOS IOS were struck at single-point moorings off Novorossiysk while loading Kazakhstan-produced oil. ASIA was taking Tengizchevroil (TCO) crude; NISSOS IOS was loading oil from Kashagan B.V. and Maten. A fire on ASIA was extinguished; no one was injured, both vessels remained afloat, and no oil entered the sea. Chevron told The Times of Central Asia that the crew was safe, the vessel was stable, and there had been “no impact to TCO operations or exports.” Loading briefly resumed that evening, but on July 20 a drone struck NELSA while it was loading at SPM-1. The impact on the tanker’s starboard side caused a fire on deck and in several compartments. Its 22-member international crew was evacuated except for the captain and chief officer; the vessel remained afloat, the fire was extinguished, and no oil spill occurred. CPC suspended loadings again. Ukraine’s General Staff said separately that its forces had struck two tankers used to transport Russian oil, petroleum products, and fuel for the Russian military in the Black Sea. It did not identify the vessels or connect the claim to the attacks at the CPC terminal. Russia’s Foreign Ministry blamed Kyiv, while CPC itself did not publicly attribute the attacks. Astana’s response to the attacks has remained measured and legalistic. The Foreign Ministry called the attacks an infringement on Kazakhstan’s economic interests and a threat to lawful international trade. It said an agreed mechanism for sharing information on civilian vessels entering the Black Sea to load CPC oil had been disregarded, endangering crews. It reserved Kazakhstan’s right to seek compensation under international law. Following the strike on NELSA, the Energy Ministry said it remained in constant contact with CPC while the tanker’s technical condition and the consequences of the attack were assessed. The statements focused on Kazakhstan’s rights. That is the distinction Astana is asserting: Kazakh cargoes, revenues, crews, and commercial partners should not be treated as extensions of Russia’s war economy merely because they use a terminal on Russian territory. Kazakh Crude and the Western Stake Russia’s invasion created the maritime battlefield in which these incidents occurred, and Ukraine has a legitimate interest in weakening the military logistics that sustain Russia’s campaign. But Kazakhstan is not Russia,...

Energy Security

Kazakhstan’s Main Oil Route Remains Vulnerable. It Is Expanding Alternatives

Kazakhstan’s prosperity has been built largely on oil, much of which still reaches world markets through infrastructure crossing Russian territory. That would be a strategic exposure for any country; for a landlocked state bordering Russia during the largest war in Europe since 1945, it is impossible to ignore. The Caspian Pipeline Consortium route to the Black Sea remains Kazakhstan’s most important oil artery, carrying about 80% of its crude exports. Three tankers were struck near the terminal on July 17 and 19, two while loading Kazakh oil. Loadings briefly resumed before a fourth tanker, NELSA, was hit on July 20, forcing another suspension. No casualties or oil spill were reported, but the attacks repeatedly interrupted Kazakhstan’s main export route. Kazakhstan treated the attacks as a direct threat to its own economic interests, not as an incident confined to Russia. Its Foreign Ministry condemned the July 17 and 19 strikes as unacceptable, said an agreed mechanism for sharing information about civilian vessels entering the Black Sea to load CPC oil had been disregarded, and demanded an immediate halt. Ukraine’s General Staff said it had struck two tankers overnight on July 19 as part of its campaign against Russian oil and military-fuel logistics, but did not identify them. CPC said the vessels at its terminal were loading Kazakh crude. The episode exposed Kazakhstan’s dependence on infrastructure beyond its control. That exposure reflects geography and inherited infrastructure, not Kazakhstan’s foreign policy alignment. It is a serious strategic vulnerability that Astana is trying to reduce. Kazakhstan did not choose its geography, and its export system was not designed for the rupture that followed Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. It is the world’s largest landlocked country, bordered by Russia and China, and sits on the Middle Corridor linking China and Central Asia with the South Caucasus and Europe. No government in Astana can alter those facts. The relevant question is how it has responded to them. Under President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, Kazakhstan remains highly exposed to oil, but it is not an oil economy standing still. KAZENERGY’s 2023 National Energy Report put the hydrocarbon sector at about 23% of GDP in 2019 and about 20% in 2022. Kazakhstan’s Bureau of National Statistics put the oil and gas sector at 16.3% of GDP in 2024. The series are not directly comparable, but both indicate that hydrocarbons remain central even as non-oil sectors expand. Oil dependence has not disappeared. UNCTAD notes that oil exports still account for more than half of total exports and remain central to foreign exchange earnings and public finances. Kazakhstan has made more progress in reducing oil’s share of GDP than its weight in exports and state revenue. Any serious assessment has to account for both. Kazakhstan’s position on Ukraine also needs to be judged in context. Binary judgments obscure the constraints facing a country that shares a long border, trade channels, energy infrastructure and significant security exposure with Russia. Kazakhstan has not recognized Russia’s attempted annexations. In 2022, its Foreign Ministry said it would...

Black Sea Tanker Attacks

Kazakhstan Condemns Drone Attacks as CPC Oil Loadings Halt

Oil loadings at the Caspian Pipeline Consortium’s Black Sea terminal have been suspended again after a fourth tanker was struck by a drone on July 20. The NELSA was loading at single-point mooring SPM-1 when the drone hit the stern on its starboard side, between the superstructure and engine compartment. A fire broke out on the deck and inside the vessel but was extinguished after several hours. CPC said 22 crew members were evacuated aboard its tugboats, while the captain and chief officer remained on the tanker. NELSA stayed afloat. No oil spill occurred, and the crude in its cargo tanks did not ignite. Loading had resumed briefly on the evening of July 19 before the latest attack forced another suspension. Kazakhstan had previously condemned drone attacks on three tankers near the Caspian Pipeline Consortium’s Black Sea terminal on July 17 and 19, two of which were hit while loading Kazakh oil. The Liberia-flagged ASIA and the Marshall Islands-flagged NISSOS IOS were attacked at single-point moorings SPM-1 and SPM-3 near Novorossiysk. ASIA was loading Tengizchevroil crude. The Marshall Islands-flagged NISSOS IOS was loading oil from Kashagan B.V. and Maten. A fire broke out on ASIA and was extinguished with CPC emergency support. No crew members, CPC employees, or contractors were injured. Both tankers remained afloat, no oil entered the sea, and the moorings were not damaged. Loading was suspended while specialists assessed the damage. Following the attack on ASIA, a spokesperson for Chevron, whose Tengizchevroil crude was being loaded onto the vessel, told TCA: “Chevron is aware of reports of an incident involving a vessel loading at Caspian Pipeline Consortium (CPC) facilities near Novorossiysk. All crew are safe, and the vessel remains stable. The vessel has been moved to a safe anchorage, and we are coordinating with the ship operator and relevant authorities. There has been no impact to TCO operations or exports. Further questions regarding CPC operations should be directed to CPC.” The Kazakh Foreign Ministry described the strikes as an unacceptable infringement on Kazakhstan’s economic interests and a deliberate attempt to disrupt lawful international trade. “Kazakhstan demands an immediate halt to these attacks,” the ministry stated. The ministry said an agreed system for sharing information on civilian vessels entering the Black Sea to load CPC oil had been deliberately ignored. It said the failure endangered crews, called for practical security measures, and reserved Kazakhstan’s right to seek full compensation under international law. Ukraine’s General Staff said its forces struck two tankers in the Black Sea overnight on July 19. It said the vessels were used to transport Russian oil, petroleum products, and fuel for Russia’s armed forces. The post did not name the tankers. CPC said both ships at its terminal were loading oil produced in Kazakhstan and did not publicly identify the attacker. The July 19 incident followed an attack on Nordic Zenith on July 17. The Suezmax tanker was empty and approaching the terminal when two drones hit it. The crew extinguished a fire. Nearby CPC...

aviation fuel

Kazakhstan Begins Importing European Jet Fuel via the Middle Corridor

Kazakhstan has resumed importing European jet fuel through Georgia’s Batumi Oil Terminal after an eight-year break. The route gives the country another source as domestic demand continues to exceed production. The Batumi Oil Terminal, owned by Kazakhstan’s state pipeline operator KazTransOil, has resumed handling Jet A-1 fuel produced by European refineries. The first shipment, totaling 10,000 metric tons, arrived via the Black Sea and is awaiting onward transport by rail to Kazakhstan along the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route, also known as the Middle Corridor. Kazakhstan needs the additional supply because its refineries cannot meet domestic demand. As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, jet fuel demand is expected to reach about 1.18 million metric tons in 2026. Domestic refineries are projected to produce around 750,000 metric tons, leaving a large shortfall to be covered by imports. The shortfall has grown this year amid maintenance at the Atyrau refinery and rising air traffic. Fuel supplies from Russia have also tightened. Moscow introduced temporary export restrictions to stabilize its domestic market. The restrictions created uncertainty for countries that have traditionally relied on Russian fuel. Kazakhstan has responded by looking for other import routes and expanding storage capacity. The Batumi terminal offers one alternative. On Georgia’s Black Sea coast, it connects maritime shipments with rail routes through the South Caucasus and across the Caspian Sea. The terminal is a major logistics hub on the Middle Corridor. According to KazTransOil, the terminal can handle up to 11 million metric tons of cargo a year. Its 132 storage tanks have a combined capacity of more than 585,000 cubic meters. During the first half of 2026, the Batumi Oil Terminal handled approximately 725,000 metric tons of petroleum products. Along with aviation fuel, it transships crude oil and refined products, including diesel and gasoline. The terminal also handles fuel oil and liquefied petroleum gas. The Batumi route reopened while global jet fuel supplies remain tight. Reuters reported this week that European inventories had fallen below one month’s supply, leaving the market vulnerable to disruptions caused by tensions in the Middle East. European buyers have turned to the United States and other suppliers in Africa and Asia. Kazakhstan is also expanding domestic storage capacity. The government has approved new aviation fuel facilities at airports to guard against shortages and build larger reserves. The first shipment will meet only a small part of Kazakhstan’s annual jet fuel demand. The Middle Corridor carries exports from Central Asia to Europe. The Batumi shipment shows that the corridor can also bring refined petroleum products into the region.

Middle Corridor

Daines’s Tour Signals an Emerging U.S. Caspian Corridor Strategy

Senator Steve Daines’s July 7–9 visit to Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan brought three bilateral relationships into a single, compressed Caspian itinerary. In Baku, he met President Ilham Aliyev and senior economic and foreign-policy officials; in Astana, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev and representatives of government and business; and in Ashgabat, President Serdar Berdimuhamedov, Foreign Minister Rashid Meredov, and Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov. Although official accounts treated each stop separately, the sequence suggests a regional pattern whose significance exceeds any single announcement. Daines had already supplied the clearest public articulation of the governing logic in his June 11 speech to the Caspian Policy Center’s Trans-Caspian Forum. There he joined Central Asia and the South Caucasus in a discussion about westward connectivity, investment, and supply-chain diversification. Daines identified critical minerals, energy, telecommunications, and physical and digital infrastructure as fields for public and private investment, while calling for TRIPP, a Caspian gas interconnector, and a continuous route from Central Asia to Western markets that avoids Russia and Iran. Together, these sectors give the proposed route both commercial and strategic content, though not the form of a single named program. Read against the June speech, Daines’s itinerary marks an emerging corridor-centered effort aligned with the Trump administration’s broader Caspian engagement, even without a formal declaration of purpose. Azerbaijan Anchors the Corridor’s Western Connections Baku gives the corridor logic its strongest institutional and bilateral footing. Aliyev and Daines discussed Azerbaijan’s geopolitical role, regional peace, and TRIPP’s importance for transport connectivity. Separate meetings with Foreign Minister Jeyhun Bayramov and Economy Minister Mikayil Jabbarov extended the agenda to economic cooperation. With SOCAR President Rovshan Najaf, Jabbarov and Daines took up the Middle Corridor, energy, transport, digital development, and critical-mineral extraction and processing. Across the meetings, political, commercial, and technical portfolios converged around Azerbaijan’s place at the corridor’s western Caspian egress. The U.S.–Azerbaijan Strategic Partnership Charter, signed in February, places the Middle Corridor alongside energy, trade, transit, digital connectivity, and critical-mineral movement. It identifies Azerbaijan as an energy, transport, trade, and logistics hub for the Caspian region. Working groups regularize cooperation on trade, energy, connectivity, digital development, and security. The charter also calls for project lists and implementation roadmaps within three months of signing and for meetings at least once a year. In June, the first Azerbaijan-U.S. Economic Dialogue began translating that direction into an operational agenda. Government, financial institutions, and private-sector participants met on regional connectivity and transit, energy security, investment, artificial intelligence, and digital infrastructure. The agenda connected the Middle Corridor and TRIPP with logistics, the Southern Gas Corridor, critical mineral supply chains, transport and energy investment, and the Alat Free Economic Zone. Closing documents covered digital infrastructure, technology transfer, and industrial solutions. The workstreams are clear, but the consolidated project portfolio and its financing have yet to take public form. Azerbaijan’s role also rests on physical infrastructure already in use. The established Middle Corridor crosses Kazakhstan and the Caspian before passing through Azerbaijan and Georgia, then onward toward Türkiye or Europe via the Black Sea. At Alat, 70 kilometers...

druzhba pipeline

South American Crude Reaches German Refinery via Poland After Russia Halts Oil Transit from Kazakhstan

South American crude oil has been delivered to Germany’s PCK refinery in Schwedt via Poland, providing an alternative supply route after Russia halted the transit of crude from Kazakhstan through the Druzhba pipeline earlier this year. Poland’s UNIMOT Group said its subsidiary, UNIMOT Paliwa, imported the seaborne cargo through the Baltic port of Gdańsk before transporting it to the Schwedt refinery using Poland’s PERN pipeline network. The shipment comes after Russia suspended the transit of crude from Kazakhstan to Germany via the Druzhba pipeline on May 1. The route had become increasingly important after Germany stopped importing Russian oil following Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine. Russia’s pipeline operator, Transneft, cited technical constraints as the reason for the suspension. Russian Deputy Prime Minister Alexander Novak later told reporters that Germany’s rejection of Russian crude suggested the country no longer required those supplies. Kazakhstan’s Energy Ministry subsequently confirmed that exports to Germany through Druzhba had stopped on May 1. Energy Minister Yerlan Akkenzhenov said Kazakhstan shipped no crude to the PCK refinery in May through the Atyrau-Samara-Druzhba route. He said unofficial information from the Russian side linked the suspension to a lack of technical capacity, likely caused by recent attacks on Russian energy infrastructure. Kazakhstan began supplying crude to the Schwedt refinery through Druzhba in 2023 as Germany sought to replace Russian oil. Exports rose steadily, reaching 1.5 million tons in 2024 and 2.146 million tons in 2025, up 44% year on year. Shipments totaled 730,000 tons in the first quarter of 2026. Annual exports had been expected to rise to about 2.5 million tons, enough to meet roughly 30% of the refinery’s crude requirements. Reuters reported in April, citing three industry sources, that Russia planned to halt oil exports from Kazakhstan to Germany on May 1. The news agency said a complete suspension would remove about 17% of the crude processed annually by the PCK refinery, one of Germany’s largest. The loss would add uncertainty to the country’s fuel supply amid disruption in global energy markets. The PCK refinery supplies approximately 90% of the gasoline, diesel, jet fuel, and heating oil consumed in Berlin and the neighboring state of Brandenburg. It also exports around 2 million tons of refined fuels annually to western Poland. German broadcaster RBB reported that the latest shipment arrived by tanker through the port of Gdańsk. According to the refinery’s works council, the crude is believed to have come from Guyana. Rosneft Deutschland, the refinery’s majority shareholder, has been under German government trusteeship since 2022. A company spokesperson confirmed the delivery, saying it would help maintain refinery operations at around 80% of capacity. UNIMOT Vice President Robert Brzozowski said the shipment represented more than a commercial transaction because Poland’s maritime and pipeline infrastructure supports fuel security on both sides of the German-Polish border. The delivery reflects Europe’s efforts to diversify crude supply routes after the disruption of crude transit from Kazakhstan through Russia. Germany is seeking alternative supplies for the PCK refinery. Kazakhstan has said the suspension will...