• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10864 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10864 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10864 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10864 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10864 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10864 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10864 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10864 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%

Viewing results 1 - 6 of 35

Kazakhstan Renews Debate Over Stray Animals After Parliament Approves Euthanasia Amendments

Kazakhstan has once again found itself at the center of a heated public debate over how the state should address the country’s growing stray animal problem. Recently approved parliamentary amendments allowing the euthanasia of dogs after a short holding period have triggered strong criticism from animal rights activists, volunteers, and private shelter owners, who argue that the new measures fail to address the root causes of the crisis and instead merely conceal its consequences temporarily. For many involved in the debate, the issue goes beyond animal welfare and points to deeper problems in state governance. For years, responsibility for stray animals in Kazakhstan has effectively been left to private initiatives, including small shelters and volunteer networks that operate largely on personal funds and donations. One such initiative is the Amigo shelter near Almaty, which currently houses around 200 dogs and 80 cats. The shelter did not begin as a business or long-term charitable project, but rather as a spontaneous effort to rescue several animals from capture facilities and the streets. Over time, the number of animals grew, and temporary assistance evolved into a permanent struggle for survival. [caption id="attachment_48766" align="aligncenter" width="1774"] Image: TCA[/caption] “We never planned to create a shelter. It all started with a few rescued animals, and then it became impossible to stop because they were completely dependent on us,” Amigo representatives told The Times of Central Asia. That dependency has become one of the defining features of Kazakhstan’s private shelter system. Unlike many Western countries, where large numbers of animals are adopted through well-developed adoption programs, animals in Kazakhstan often remain in shelters for years; sometimes for the rest of their lives. According to Amigo’s owners, society still approaches shelter animals with caution, while a culture of responsible adoption is only beginning to emerge. The financial burden on such organizations is enormous. In addition to food and veterinary care, shelter owners must independently pay for land, kennel construction, transport, fuel, generators, heating, water supply, sterilization, vaccination, and staff salaries. In many cases, infrastructure must be built entirely from scratch. Amigo’s own history reflects this instability. The shelter was initially located on a small property in Baiserke, but the growing number of animals and expanding residential development made continued operations impossible. The owners took out loans to purchase land near the village of Zhetygen, where they personally built enclosures and installed utilities. Later, after Zhetygen was incorporated into the new city of Alatau, they faced the threat of land seizure for state needs and were once again forced to search for a new location and finance another relocation through debt. [caption id="attachment_48767" align="aligncenter" width="1774"] Image: TCA[/caption] According to shelter representatives, Kazakhstan still lacks a clear legal status for such facilities. Agricultural land is formally designated for livestock rather than cats and dogs, meaning that even privately purchased plots do not guarantee long-term security. For shelters, relocation means far more than changing addresses, it requires transporting hundreds of animals, rebuilding infrastructure, and effectively starting over. Against this backdrop, discussions...

Campaign Targets New York Concert by Uzbekistan’s Yulduz Usmonova

A campaign has been launched in the United States against a planned concert by singer Yulduz Usmonova from Uzbekistan, according to a report by Brighton Beach News. The controversy is unfolding in Brooklyn, where Usmonova is scheduled to perform on May 9 at the Oceana Theater in the Brighton Beach area. Local politicians have voiced strong criticism and announced plans to hold a press conference calling for the event to be canceled. Among those involved are New York State Assembly members Michael Novakhov and Alec Brook-Krasny, as well as Nassau County Executive Bruce Blakeman. According to statements cited in the report, the officials accuse the singer of having made remarks in the past that they consider offensive toward the Jewish community. The issue has drawn particular attention due to the location and timing of the concert. Brighton Beach is known as a major center for Russian-speaking and Jewish communities in New York, and May 9 is widely observed as a day marking the victory over Nazi Germany in World War II. Organizers of the campaign say they have called on the singer to publicly reject and apologize for the alleged statements but claim that she has declined to do so. They have also reportedly submitted a request to U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio asking for the revocation of her visa. This is not the first time a concert by Usmonova in New York has come under pressure. In 2024, another planned performance in the city was canceled after protests over remarks attributed to the singer that critics described as antisemitic.

The Board of Peace and Central Asia: Asserting Agency in a Fragmented Order

President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev’s speech at the inaugural meeting of U.S. President Donald Trump’s Board of Peace in Washington on February 19 was not only a foreign policy event, but one with significant domestic resonance. The initiatives announced include Kazakhstan’s participation in the reconstruction of Gaza, financial commitments, and readiness to send peacekeepers. Against the backdrop of economic challenges and ongoing constitutional reforms, however, a substantial segment of Kazakh society is questioning whether such an active foreign policy posture is justified at this time. The Board of Peace, the charter for which was ratified in Davos in January 2026 on the sidelines of the World Economic Forum, is positioned as an alternative to traditional multilateral institutions. According to Trump, the new body should not merely discuss conflicts, but will also "almost be looking over the United Nations and making sure it runs properly." Symbolically, the Board’s launch comes amid U.S. reductions and withholding of UN-related funding and withdrawals from multiple international bodies, alongside a partial U.S. payment toward UN arrears and the parallel creation of alternative financial and security mechanisms. According to the U.S. Mission to Kazakhstan, at the first meeting of the Board of Peace, nine members pledged a combined $7 billion aid package for the Gaza Strip. Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, the UAE, Morocco, Bahrain, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and Kuwait indicated their willingness to contribute. Additionally, Trump pledged $10B in U.S. funding, framing peace and reconstruction as a strategic priority. However, experts note that these sums fall far short of projected needs. According to joint UN-EU-World Bank estimates, the full reconstruction of Gaza could require up to $70 billion. In addition, the implementation of projects is complicated by the issue of disarming Hamas, which is designated as a terrorist organization in the U.S. and the European Union. At present, there is no indication that any Western or regional government intends to revise that designation. A notable feature of the Washington summit was the synchronized participation and subsequent public statements of key member states of the Organization of Turkic States (OTS). Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, and Turkey effectively acted as what appeared to be an aligned geopolitical grouping, albeit without a formal declaration of joint action. What Is Kazakhstan Seeking? For Astana, participation in the Board of Peace appears to represent a renewed step in its multi-vector foreign policy doctrine. Tokayev directly stated Kazakhstan’s readiness to send medical units and observers to international stabilization forces and to allocate more than 500 educational grants for Palestinian students. In effect, Kazakhstan is reinforcing its image as a “Middle Power” prepared not only for diplomatic mediation but also for tangible contributions to international security efforts. This course aligns with the country’s existing participation in UN missions. Currently, 139 Kazakh military personnel are serving in the Golan Heights under the UN Disengagement Observer Force mandate. Nevertheless, the intensification of foreign policy engagement is raising domestic questions. Concerns voiced on social media and among experts include whether the international agenda risks diverting attention from internal economic pressures, including...

Rhetoric, Disinformation, and Regional Responses: Central Asia Reacts to Debates in the Russian Media Space

In recent months, a series of sharp and at times openly threatening statements circulating within the Russian media space have drawn growing attention in Central Asia. As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, rhetoric targeting several Central Asian states has become increasingly frequent on Russian television and social platforms, raising concern among analysts and the public over issues of sovereignty, coercive tactics, and broader regional security. Russian officials have repeatedly stressed that commentary aired on television talk shows or circulated on social media does not necessarily reflect official state policy. Moscow has, on several occasions, distanced itself from provocative remarks made by media personalities, emphasizing that Russia’s foreign policy is articulated only through formal government channels. Analysts note that such episodes unfold within a highly polarized information environment, where sensational or confrontational statements can spread rapidly online, often detached from their original context or intent. Even when later denied or debunked, these narratives can contribute to heightened tensions by reinforcing existing anxieties and testing political and societal reactions in neighboring states. One recent and widely discussed episode involved a video that went viral on social media, allegedly showing Russian State Duma deputy and former heavyweight boxing champion Nikolai Valuev calling for a shift in Russia’s approach toward former Soviet republics from “carrots” to “sticks”, while also hinting at the possibility of a “special operation” in Central Asia. The footage sparked an immediate backlash and skepticism, particularly in Uzbekistan. According to RIA Novosti, Valuev later publicly denied the authenticity of the video, asserting that it was a deepfake. The Russian news agency quoted him as saying the video “has nothing to do with me” and had been produced using AI. “I’m glad that technologies are developing so fast, but this was done with artificial intelligence,” he said, noting that he often discusses AI and deepfakes and that “apparently, AI has taken offense at me.” Doubts about the video’s authenticity emerged almost immediately. Among those questioning it was Ruslan Chagaev, the former world boxing champion from Uzbekistan and one of Valuev’s former opponents, who publicly expressed his disbelief that the statements reflected Valuev’s actual views. Nonetheless, the incident fueled broader discussions in Central Asia about information manipulation, the role of deepfakes, and how aggressive narratives can gain traction, even when later debunked. These concerns were echoed at a recent session of the analytical forum “Fikrat,” held in Tashkent under the theme National Interest and Global Pressure. The gathering brought together political scientists, economists, and historians to assess the growing volume of inflammatory rhetoric emerging from Russia and its implications for Central Asia. Participants stressed that, even when such narratives do not reflect or translate directly into policy, they can shape public perception and test societal and governmental responses. [caption id="attachment_43140" align="aligncenter" width="1598"] The Firkat Forum in Tashkent; image: TCA, Sadokat Jalolova.[/caption] Economist Abdulla Abdukadirov, First Deputy Director General of Uzbekistan’s Agency for Strategic Reforms under the President, addressed the ideological underpinnings of these narratives, identifying Russian nationalist figure Alexander Dugin...

Russian TV Comments on Central Asia Trigger Strong Reaction from Uzbek Analysts

A recent broadcast on Russia’s state television channel Russia-1 has sparked strong backlash in Central Asia after inflammatory remarks aired on the political talk show Evening with Vladimir Solovyov questioned the independence and foreign policy choices of post-Soviet countries in Central Asia and the South Caucasus. The controversy began when political analyst Sergey Mikheyev, who served as a representative for President Vladimir Putin during Russia’s 2024 election campaign, criticized Moscow’s approach toward former Soviet republics, calling it “ineffective” and overly generous. “Our policy toward the post-Soviet space was not very effective,” Mikheyev said. “The situation where Russia owes everyone and no one owes Russia anything is a dead end. We solve many of their problems, labor migration, assistance, many other things and yet we are always the ones who must give.” He added, “We spoiled them. We spoiled them too much. We will not tolerate this anymore.” Program host Solovyov supported the tone of Mikheyev’s remarks, adding: “If I am forced to speak about you like this, then think about what you are doing wrong.” The broadcast quickly spread across social media platforms in Central Asia, prompting swift reactions from regional analysts, particularly in Uzbekistan, who criticized the rhetoric as imperial and patronizing. Uzbek political scientist and university professor Sherzodkhon Qudratkhodja called the discussion an emotional outburst rooted in nostalgia for a lost empire. “They spoke like sentinels, bitterly offended by the entire former Soviet Union,” he wrote on social media. He added that Mikheyev’s phrase “we spoiled them” infantilized independent states, framing them as unruly children rather than equal partners. “The logic is simple: if you don’t obey, you’re ‘nervous.’ If you want independence, you’re ‘spoiled.’ Their favorite phrase is that others ‘must know their place,’” Qudratkhodja wrote. He also rejected the idea that Central Asian countries are exploiting Russia or living at its expense. “No one is blackmailing anyone. No one owes us anything, and we owe no one anything,” he stated, emphasizing Uzbekistan’s commitment to “equal rights and mutual respect in international relations.” Another Uzbek analyst, G‘ayratxo‘ja Saydaliyev, argued that Mikheyev’s comments reflect a broader worldview within segments of the Russian political elite. “This is an open expression of a geopolitical mindset where Central Asia is not seen as a partner, but as a subordinate,” he wrote. “Independent foreign policy is treated not only as ingratitude but as illegitimate.” Saydaliyev noted Mikheyev’s additional remarks on Iran and Turkey, interpreting them as evidence of growing Russian anxiety over shifting alliances. He argued that Moscow views Iran as a counterbalance to the U.S. and Turkey, and fears that losing influence over Tehran could further weaken Russia’s position, potentially prompting it to exert more pressure on post-Soviet neighbors. Turkey’s rising role in Central Asia and the concept of a “Turkic world” were also framed by Mikheyev as a geopolitical threat. Saydaliyev concluded that deeper regional ties with Ankara are being viewed in Moscow not as legitimate foreign policy, but as a challenge to Russian dominance. “The biggest challenge for Central...

Uzbekistan Clarifies Nuclear Plant Timeline After Reports of Delay

Uzbekistan’s plans to begin construction of its first nuclear power plant have come under renewed scrutiny following the publication of a draft state program suggesting the start of work could be postponed until December 2026. The draft made public on the regulation.adliya.uz portal prompted widespread media speculation. According to the document, Uzbekistan intends to spend 2026 negotiating, signing, and registering an additional agreement with Russia’s state nuclear corporation, Rosatom. The proposed agreement would revise the configuration of the integrated nuclear power plant project, combining a large-capacity VVER-1000 reactor with small modular RITM-200N reactors. Some outlets interpreted this language as a sign that the pouring of the first concrete might not occur until the end of 2026. In response, the Uzatom nuclear energy agency issued an official clarification, stating that previously announced timelines remain unchanged. In a statement released after the draft’s publication, Uzatom stressed that the document does not stipulate any postponement of construction. The agency noted that the December 2026 date reflects a conservative planning scenario in which all preparatory and licensing procedures are finalized by that time. Uzatom emphasized its adherence to national legislation and international standards on nuclear and radiation safety. It added that the first concrete pouring, considered a key milestone, will only proceed after receiving all necessary permits and approvals from relevant authorities. “We clearly understand the level of responsibility involved in this stage,” the agency said, adding that work on the project is advancing across all areas. The clarification comes amid sustained public interest in Uzbekistan’s nuclear energy plans. Speaking at World Atomic Week in Moscow in September last year, Uzatom Director Azim Akhmedkhadjaev stated that Uzbekistan aims to fully commission a high-capacity nuclear power plant by 2035. According to him, the first small modular reactor in the Jizzakh region is expected to begin operations in 2029, with a second unit following six months later. The first reactor of the large-scale facility is scheduled to come online in 2033, with full capacity reached by 2035, though Akhmedkhadjaev noted that final timelines are contingent on the completion of contractual agreements. Uzatom said it will continue to provide timely updates as the project progresses through its key phases.