• KGS/USD = 0.01149 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00193 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09146 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01149 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00193 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09146 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01149 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00193 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09146 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01149 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00193 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09146 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01149 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00193 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09146 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01149 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00193 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09146 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01149 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00193 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09146 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01149 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00193 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09146 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
26 December 2024

Viewing results 1 - 6 of 56

Uzbekistan: Hizb ut-Tahrir trial a testbed for religious boundaries

TASHKENT (TCA) — Although there has been a marked change in the government’s attitude toward believers, being devout Muslims still remains dangerous in Uzbekistan. We are republishing this article on the issue, originally published by Eurasianet: The opening hearing of Guzal Tokhtakhadjayeva’s criminal trial last month began late because of the hubbub that day at Tashkent city court. On April 16, an unusually large crowd of rights activists, foreign reporters and well-wishers had gathered outside the court in Uzbekistan’s capital to hear another day of testimony in the state’s case against a well-known journalist accused of sedition. Few gave Guzal much heed. Both trials, however, may prove to have had equally consequential implications for the nation’s future. The journalist, Bobomurod Abdullayev, ultimately walked out of court on a suspended sentence in what some took as a signal of the government’s willingness to ease its intransigence toward the press. The other case may provide clarity about where the state stands in its evolving relationship with fringe religious communities. Guzal, a 31-year-old from one of Tashkent’s old quarters, was in the dock with her husband Muhammad Rashidov on suspicion of distributing propaganda materials of a proscribed Islamist group and seeking to undermine the constitution. Another two relatives, a mother and son, are also on trial. In court, the prosecutor read out the accusation against Guzal in a monotone drone. “She engaged in the distribution of literature and leaflets and was also gathering funds for Hizb ut-Tahrir. She was observed by police operatives handing out 14 leaflets outside a mosque in Tashkent,” he said. Guzal rejects the specific charges, although her association with the group appears less in doubt. Almost all her immediate family have at some stage served time – or are still serving time – for their dealings with Hizb ut-Tahrir. Hizb ut-Tahrir was founded by a Lebanese Islamic scholar in the early 1950s and quickly took root across parts of the Middle East. Its very name, which is Arabic for Party of Liberation, strongly suggests an ethos no less political than it is religious. The party’s ideology combines a deep aversion for secular political order with often unabashedly intolerant views for anything perceived as un-Islamic. The group is banned in most of the former Soviet Union, though it operates openly in the West. Though in the immediate aftermath of independence Uzbekistan’s authorities pressured most religious thought outside the state-sanctioned orthodoxy, Hizb ut-Tahrir and similar-minded groups flourished in the 1990s. It was only around 1998 that the onslaught became truly ferocious. The history of arrests for links to Hizb ut-Tahrir in Guzal’s family began in November 1999, when her father, Aziz Tokhtakhadjayev, was picked up by law enforcement officials on suspicion of being a member. Aziz was an academic and taught economics the Tashkent State University of Economics. He obtained his doctorate degree in Soviet times at what was then called the Plekhanov Moscow Institute of the National Economy. Initially, Aziz was sentenced to 13 years in jail. That penalty was...

Uzbek government eases restrictions on Muslims

TASHKENT (TCA) — Under the previous president, Uzbekistan pursued restrictive and suppressive policies toward Muslims and used the fight against Islamist extremism as a pretext to suppress any dissent and opposition. Under the new head of state, things have begun to change. We are republishing this article on the issue by Fozil Mashrab, originally published by The Jamestown Foundation’s Eurasia Daily Monitor: This year, Uzbekistan is organizing its first ever nation-wide al-Quran reciters competition (Muslim.uz, December 22, 2017). Perhaps this kind of competition would be a run-of-the-mill event in any other Muslim majority country; but for Uzbekistan, which is trying to unshackle itself from the repressive policies of the past, it signals a major change in the government’s policy and carries a special meaning for the majority of its Muslim citizens (see EDM, February 27, 2018). Under the late Islam Karimov, the first president of Uzbekistan, who ruled with an iron fist for more than 25 years until his sudden death in September 2016, the country had a reputation for restrictive and suppressive policies toward the pious segments of its Muslim population. Harrowing stories abound of overtly religious Muslims being blacklisted as antisocial elements, jailed for choosing to wear a hijab or growing a beard, or undergoing even worse for having publicly complained about the state’s restrictions on their constitutional rights to freely practice their religion (Fergananews.com, August 8, 2002). Karimov, who is officially portrayed as the founder of Uzbekistan’s independence and is revered by state propaganda (Islomkarimov.uz, accessed April 12, 2018), had a complicated relationship with Islam throughout his time in power. He was suspicious of Islamic clerics, especially those who refused to follow his will. In fact, many accused his government of using the threat of Islamic radicalism and extremism as a convenient pretext to suppress all kinds of opposition in the country (Aljazeera.com, January 8, 2016). Over the years, all famous Muslim clerics with large followings inside the country were either jailed, eliminated or had to flee. Official propaganda still defends Islam Karimov’s record and heavy-handed tactics by highlighting the difficult domestic political situation in the country in the early years of independence. Moreover, the state narrative credits him for not allowing Uzbekistan to fall into chaos like in neighboring Tajikistan in the 1990s, where a civil war broke out between the United Islamic Opposition and Soviet-era secularist elites. Nevertheless, Uzbekistan’s current head of state, President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, who has gained the reputation of a reformer, has likened the various injustices and sufferings unleashed by the Uzbekistani law enforcement bodies toward their own people under Karimov’s rule to Soviet NKVD repressions of the 1930s. He has vowed that, under his watch, they will not be repeated (YouTube, December 25, 2017). Many senior officials and generals of the penitentiary system, the National Security Service (NSS) of Uzbekistan, and the Attorney General’s Office, who were responsible for creating the repressive state machinery, are now on trial. They face charges of jailing innocent people, subjecting inmates to torture and killings,...

Tajikistan’s Islamist extremists concentrated in big cities at home and in Russia

DUSHANBE (TCA) — As Tajikistan is facing the threat of growing Islamist extremism, the government needs to understand that poverty, unemployment, and religious illiteracy are among the main causes of this phenomenon, and to develop a strategy to counter the threat. We are republishing this article on the issue by Paul Goble, originally published by The Jamestown Foundation’s Eurasia Daily Monitor: Despite popular misperceptions of religiosity in general and Islam in particular flourishing most strongly in poor rural areas, the Islamist revival of the last 30 years has been primarily an urban phenomenon. This has been the result of the loss of familial ties by those who moved from villages into the rapidly growing cities as well as the communication revolution, which has allowed Islamist activists to reach the new urbanites. That is what happened in Iran and in the countries affected by the Arab Spring. And it is now occurring in Central Asia—and nowhere more than in Tajikistan, the most Islamic, and one can also say Islamist, country in that region (see EDM, February 6). The rise of Salafists and Wahhabists in major Tajikistani cities and among Tajik diasporas in Russian cities like Moscow have long been a concern for officials in Dushanbe, who fear that these movements could link up with other forces, domestic and foreign, to produce an Islamist revolution. The authorities have, thus, tried to prevent these trends from overwhelming traditional Tajik Islam. Most of their methods have proved counterproductive—be they closing down rural mosques or calling home some 6,000 Tajikistanis studying in madrassahs abroad but not providing them with jobs on their return (News.tj, November 3, 2017; see EDM, February 6, 2018). As a result, the situation has reached critical mass, and an Islamist explosion in Tajikistan’s cities is increasingly likely. Two Tajikistani experts, Khokim Mukhabbatov and Mavdzhigul Ibadullayeva of the Muslims Against Narcotics, Extremism, Force and Terrorism, describe in some detail how that precarious situation came about (Islamio.ru, February 23). They note that Salafism or Wahhabism, as this trend is usually referred to in Tajikistan, arrived there already in the 1980s, as a result of the Iranian revolution and the war in Afghanistan. From the beginning, most of the Salafists and Wahhabists there were young men between the ages of 18 and 30 who had left their villages for the cities or for work in the Russian Federation. Lacking the stability their families and the local rural mullahs provided, they were prime candidates for recruitment by Salafists from abroad. That is still the case today. And the size of this cohort has increased as the cities have swelled in size and the number of Tajiks who have worked in Russian cities has risen over the last 15 years. These young people, the two experts say, have had their religious worldview formed not by imams and mullahs in their villages but by Internet sites that appealed to them as Muslims rather than as villagers or Tajiks. It was only a short step from there for...

Central Asian terrorist groups join jihad against U.S. after declaration of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital

BISHKEK (TCA) — The Jerusalem problem is very sensitive to Muslims, Christians and Jews alike, and governments in the Middle East and the United States need to avoid steps that may escalate the problem and lead to a new wave of terrorism. We are republishing this article on the issue by Uran Botobekov*, originally published by the CACI Analyst: Continue reading

Kazakhstan steps up campaign against ultra-Orthodox Islam

ASTANA (TCA) — Authorities in Kazakhstan are trying to increase control over Islam in an effort to prevent radicalism, but hardline measures may prove counterproductive. We are republishing this article on the issue by Almaz Kumenov, originally published by Eurasianet: Continue reading

Tajikistan, most Muslim country in Central Asia, struggles to rein in Islam

DUSHANBE (TCA) — Authorities in Tajikistan are trying to exercise tight control of Islam in the impoverished country, but such steps may have an opposite effect — radicalizing Muslims that are being driven underground. We are republishing this article by Paul Goble on the issue, originally published by The Jamestown Foundation’s Eurasia Daily Monitor: In the last month alone, local authorities closed almost 100 mosques in the northern part of Tajikistan, the latest effort by Dushanbe to control Islam in the most fervently Muslim country in Central Asia. Yet, this campaign is exceedingly likely to backfire by driving both imams who have lost their jobs as well as their former parishioners and followers to go underground. Indeed, this move may be at least as counterproductive as Dushanbe’s decision two years ago to call home the 6,000 Tajikistani Muslims studying in madrassas (Muslim religious schools) and Islamic universities abroad and then refusing to allow them to work in government-registered mosques. And that entire situation was further exacerbated by the fact that the government has restricted higher Islamic education inside the country to a single Muslim center. By systematically going after mosques and places of Islamic study, Dushanbe is in large measure recapitulating the unsuccessful Soviet approach, dramatically expanding the Muslim underground in the most Muslim country in Central Asia. As a result, at least some of those Muslim faithful pushed to the shadows could ultimately link up with Islamist radicals coming into the country from Afghanistan, destabilizing the impoverished country still further. If that happens—and there is some evidence that it already is (see below)—the government in Dushanbe and those who want to block the export of Islamist radicalism from Afghanistan are likely to suffer a major defeat and possibly even the overthrow of the secular regime in Tajikistan. In large measure, they will have only themselves to blame for such a loss. At the end of January, officials in the Tajikistani city of Isfara (Sughd Region) announced that they had closed 45 mosques for failing to maintain “sanitary norms.” Apparently, these former places of worship will be converted into clubs and other social institutions (News.tj, January 25). Then, officials in the neighboring Ghafurov District announced that they were closing 45 mosques supposedly because some of them were built too close together—Tajikistani law bans having two religious facilities within 50 meters of one another—and transforming them into social centers as well (News.tj, January 30). Officials insist that a sufficient number of mosques will remain open. In the case of the latter closings, the Ghafurov District, which has 360,000 residents, will still have 136 mosques—one for every 2,700 people (Fergananews.com, January 30). The authorities claim there are “about 4,000” officially registered mosques throughout Tajikistan, of which 370 are so-called “cathedral mosques” of significant size. Moreover, according to the government, that there are some 3,914 imams, or one for every 2,210 people in the country, making Tajikistan the most Islamic state in Central Asia by either of these measures (Fergananews.com, November 2, 2017)....