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Electricity

Afghanistan Generates 250 MW of Electricity, Imports 800 MW from Central Asia and Iran

Afghanistan’s state-owned electricity company, Da Afghanistan Breshna Sherkat (DABS), has signed or prepared agreements for domestic power generation projects totaling 1,070 megawatts over the past 11 months, with 70% of the funding coming from foreign investors, TOLOnews reported. Speaking in an interview, DABS chief Abdulbari Omar said the initiative marks a significant step toward energy self-sufficiency after years of underinvestment in the sector. “In the past 11 months, we have invested 69 billion Afghanis ($1.01 billion), 70% of which came from abroad. This shows we have encouraged foreign investors to enter the Afghan market,” he said. Afghanistan currently produces about 250 MW of electricity domestically and imports around 800 MW from Turkmenistan, Iran, Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan, at an annual cost of $250-280 million. Omar said the country would need between 6,000 and 7,000 MW to meet domestic demand, rising to 10,000 MW if industrial activity expands. He acknowledged the challenges of developing power from wind, water, gas, coal, and waste, but stressed that projects are moving forward with domestic funds and private investment, without relying on the World Bank or other international organizations. Omar also highlighted the problem of unpaid bills, citing 450 million Afghanis ($6.48 million) owed by former political leaders and warlords. “All individuals, from ministers to ordinary citizens, are treated equally under the law,” he said, noting that power has been cut to ministers who failed to pay. Last year, The Times of Central Asia reported that DABS extended its electricity import agreement with Uzbekistan until the end of 2025. The deal, signed in Uzbekistan by Omar and the National Electricity Company of Uzbekistan, remains vital for meeting Afghanistan’s needs. According to the Taliban-controlled Ministry of Energy and Water, Afghanistan requires around 1,500 MW of electricity, with roughly 720 MW imported and the rest generated domestically.

Bilateral Relations

Kazakh Foreign Minister Visits Kabul, Signs $500M Railway Deal as Mining Push Gathers Momentum

In a major step toward deepening regional engagement, Kazakhstan’s Foreign Minister Murat Nurtleu arrived in Kabul this week, signaling a continuing shift towards pragmatic engagement in Astana’s policy towards Afghanistan. The visit resulted in significant diplomatic and economic developments, including the signing of a $500 million agreement on the Herat-Torghundi railway. During his visit, Nurtleu met with Afghanistan’s acting Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi and other senior officials in the Taliban-led government. In a joint statement, the two sides emphasized their commitment to expanding bilateral ties in transit, trade, education, and regional security. Nurtleu pledged Kazakhstan’s support for Afghanistan’s stabilization, food security, and comprehensive development, stating that Astana is seeking to expand its partnership with Kabul based on shared regional interests. A highlight of the visit was the signing of a memorandum of understanding for the construction of the Torghundi–Herat railway. The 115-kilometer line will link western Afghanistan to Turkmenistan, and is expected to extend connectivity into Iran and further south to the Arabian Sea. Afghanistan’s Deputy Prime Minister Abdul Ghani Baradar welcomed the agreement, stating that the deal will lay the foundation for establishing a logistics hub in Herat. As reported by Baradar’s office, discussions also covered the possibility of relaxing visa regulations for Afghan traders, resuming direct flights between Kabul and Astana, and increasing bilateral trade volumes. The two sides emphasized expanding economic collaboration through joint initiatives in key industries, including mining, transportation, communications, energy, and infrastructure. They also considered formalizing accords on agricultural product safety, cross-border logistics, and reduced transit costs — steps aimed at potentially raising trade between the countries to $3 billion. In parallel to these diplomatic overtures, Kazakhstan’s mining giant Kazakhmys Barlau is exploring Afghanistan’s untapped mineral resources. CEO Galym Nurzhanov confirmed that his team has already begun reconnaissance operations in the mineral-rich Nuristan Province. Nurzhanov described the terrain as a geological time capsule, stating that “For our geologists and miners, it’s like stepping into the 19th century. We looked at lead-zinc deposits, grades of nearly 39%, with concentrates reaching 41%. That’s ready ore, you can crush it and send it straight to the plant.” As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, despite lingering tensions over issues such as Afghanistan’s controversial Qosh Tepa Canal project, Kazakhstan has emphasized an approach to relations with Kabul based on “practicality, not ideology,” highlighting the shared need for regional security, trade corridors, and energy development.

Afghanistan

Recognition of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan: Between Law, Diplomacy, and Pragmatism

After the Taliban returned to power in August 2021, the question of recognizing the new Afghan regime became one of the key issues in regional and global politics. Although no country has granted de jure recognition to the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan (IEA), international engagement with the de facto authorities is becoming increasingly institutionalized. This article attempts to systematize and provisionally classify countries based on their stance toward the IEA. This is not a formal legal typology but rather an analytical tool meant to identify "stable patterns of behavior" in the context of interactions with the de facto authorities in Kabul. This approach does not aim for exhaustive academic precision but provides a basis for further discussion and analysis. To begin, we must clarify some basic principles, first and foremost, the institution of recognition. In international legal doctrine, the recognition of a new state or government is a unilateral act by a state and does not require the approval of international organizations. The UN, including the Security Council, does not formally conduct acts of recognition, but its approval is required for admitting authorities to the UN General Assembly, which constitutes formal recognition of international legitimacy and a willingness by the global community to work with them. The key mechanism here is the UN Credentials Committee. This is a special committee of the UN General Assembly consisting of nine member states, which change on a rotating basis. It annually reviews the lists of delegations accredited to participate in UN General Assembly sessions. Between 2021 and 2024, the committee decided to reject the recognition of seats for the Taliban government. In effect, this constitutes a denial of international recognition at the UN level. While the decision of the Credentials Committee has no formal legal significance as an act of recognition or non-recognition, politically it sends a strong signal to other states: the UN still does not regard the IEA as the legitimate government of Afghanistan. In other words, the Credentials Committee acts as a kind of beacon: until it is "lit," a wave of de jure recognition from other states is highly unlikely. Many countries, especially those following a policy of collective decision-making, will take their cue from the UN. For now, the signal remains unchanged: the international community maintains a cautious distance from legitimizing the Taliban regime. As is well known, there are two types of recognition: de jure recognition, which is complete and official and involves the establishment of diplomatic relations, and de facto recognition, which is limited and does not imply full legitimization of the regime. Removing the Taliban from national terrorist lists (as Kazakhstan and Russia have done) does not constitute legal recognition, even though some may portray it as such. The UN itself uses the term "de facto authorities" to describe the Taliban. At the same time, the UN Security Council sanctions regime on Afghanistan (under Resolution 2255) provides for the application of sanctions on an individual basis, without qualifying the regime as a terrorist regime. The...

Railway Development

Uzbekistan and Russia Advance Trans-Afghan Railway Project to Pakistan

Uzbekistan and Russia have taken a significant step toward the practical implementation of the long-envisioned Trans-Afghan railway project, which aims to connect Central Asia to Pakistan via Afghanistan. The transport ministries of both countries, along with Russian Railways and the Uzbek national railway company, Uzbekistan Temir Yollari, have signed documents formalizing the start of the project’s development phase. According to Russia’s Ministry of Transport, the two countries will jointly develop a feasibility study in 2025, assessing freight traffic forecasts and economic viability. Two potential routes have been proposed: Route 1: Mazar-e-Sharif - Herat - Dilaram - Kandahar (Afghanistan) - Chaman (Pakistan) Route 2: Termez (Uzbekistan) - Naibabad (Afghanistan) - Logar (Afghanistan) - Harlachi (Pakistan) Further discussions involving Pakistan Railways and an Afghan delegation are scheduled for the Russia-Islamic World Forum in the Russian city of Kazan on May 15-16. Uzbekistan, which already maintains a direct rail connection to Afghanistan, continues to position itself as a logistics hub for trade between Russia, Central Asia, South Asia, and beyond. In January 2025, Tashkent extended its contract with the Taliban-led government in Afghanistan to operate and maintain the Hairaton to Mazar-e-Sharif railway -- a vital segment of the broader China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan-Afghanistan corridor. The corridor’s significance is expected to grow upon completion of the China–Kyrgyzstan–Uzbekistan railway. Currently, Central Asia’s rail links to China are limited to routes transiting Kazakhstan. In a major development on April 17, Russia’s Supreme Court lifted its 2003 ban on the Taliban, having until then designated the group a terrorist organization. The decision, formally allowing Russian state institutions to engage with the Taliban, opens the door to deeper trade and infrastructure cooperation. Russian Deputy Prime Minister Alexei Overchuk stated that this policy shift will facilitate the promotion of Russian exports and the realization of Afghanistan’s transport and logistics potential. Uzbekistan has pursued a consistent policy of engagement with Afghanistan, emphasizing economic cooperation over isolation. In October 2024, Abdul Ghafar Terawi began his tenure as the head of the Taliban-led Afghan diplomatic mission in Tashkent. Speaking at the 79th session of the UN General Assembly in September 2024, Uzbek Foreign Minister Bakhtiyor Saidov reaffirmed Uzbekistan’s commitment to regional stability. “Afghanistan is an integral part of Central Asia,” Saidov told the Assembly. “Addressing the Afghan issue is essential for ensuring sustainable development across the region”. He praised Uzbekistan’s role in implementing the Trans-Afghan railway, which he said would offer landlocked Central Asian economies access to international ports. “This will positively impact the economic development of the entire region,” Saidov noted.

Women's rights

UN Envoy for Afghanistan Otunbayeva: Taliban Must Uphold International Obligations and Restore Women’s Rights

The Taliban must clearly demonstrate their commitment to Afghanistan’s international reintegration, Roza Otunbayeva, former President of Kyrgyzstan and now Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General for Afghanistan, told the UN Security Council on March 10. Otunbayeva, who also heads the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA), stressed the need for the Taliban to uphold international obligations, particularly concerning human rights and governance. Ongoing Crisis in Afghanistan “The de facto authorities have, so far, treated [Afghanistan’s] international obligations selectively,” Otunbayeva stated. However, she underscored that these commitments “affect not only the possibility of progress along the political pathway but, most crucially, the well-being of Afghanistan’s entire population.” Afghanistan continues to face a severe humanitarian crisis, she warned, adding that the ongoing defunding of aid programs is already having, and will continue to have, a devastating impact on the Afghan people. Welcoming the World Bank’s recent decision to provide an additional $240 million for Afghanistan’s health sector, Otunbayeva highlighted the collaborative approach between the UN and its partners in supporting the country’s economy. While Afghanistan has seen some economic growth and increased investment, she argued that the Taliban’s vision of economic self-sufficiency remains unattainable unless political and diplomatic obstacles to reintegration are addressed. Otunbayeva also expressed concern over the continued restrictions on women’s rights in Afghanistan. UNAMA has closely monitored the Taliban’s enforcement of the Law on the Prevention of Vice and Promotion of Virtue, introduced in August 2024. “The law demonstrates the de facto authorities’ prioritization of ideology over international obligations,” she stated. Afghanistan and Central Asia: Strengthening Regional Ties The Security Council also heard statements from several regional representatives. Kazakhstan’s delegate noted that the country has launched a wheat-farming initiative in central Afghanistan to empower local farmers. Additionally, Kazakhstan has supported the establishment of the United Nations Regional Centre for the Sustainable Development Goals for Central Asia and Afghanistan in Almaty. Both Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan have removed the Taliban from their lists of terrorist organizations in an effort to deepen trade and economic ties with Afghanistan. Meanwhile, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan have sought to establish formal political contacts with the Taliban-led Afghan government and expand economic and transport infrastructure cooperation. In contrast, Tajikistan’s relations with the Taliban remain strained. Afghanistan remains heavily dependent on electricity imports from Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, both of which are also involved in Afghan railway construction projects. Turkmenistan is currently participating in the construction of the Afghan section of the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) pipeline, which will transport Turkmen natural gas to South Asia. Speaking at the 79th session of the UN General Assembly in September 2024, Uzbekistan’s Foreign Minister Bakhtiyor Saidov reaffirmed that Afghanistan is an integral part of Central Asia and that addressing its challenges is essential for regional stability and development. “Uzbekistan is pursuing a pragmatic policy towards Afghanistan. We will continue to contribute to Afghanistan’s economic reconstruction and the development of its transport and energy infrastructure,” he stated. In August 2024, Uzbekistan opened the International Trade Center in Termez, near the Afghan...

Bilateral Relations

Uzbekistan Sees Opportunities in Afghanistan

Uzbekistan’s business relations with neighboring Afghanistan are booming. In 2024, Uzbek-Afghan trade came to some $1.1 billion, and more than $1 billion of that was Uzbek exports to Afghanistan. It seems after the February 22-23 visit of Taliban acting Deputy Prime Minister for Economic Affairs Abdul Ghani Baradar to Uzbekistan, that figure is likely to continue climbing. Baradar met with Uzbek Prime Minister Abdullo Aripov and Deputy Prime Minister Jamshid Khojayev to discuss trade and investment, which is essentially the basis of Uzbekistan’s relations with Taliban-ruled Afghanistan. The immediate results of these talks were modest, but projects due to start in the near future offer substantial profits for both Uzbekistan and Afghanistan. Uzbekistan agreed to lift restrictions on imports of Afghan agricultural goods, which facilitated another agreement establishing a free economic zone in Uzbekistan’s border area that would have factories for processing pine nuts and cotton from Afghanistan. Agricultural goods are the bulk of Afghanistan’s exports to Uzbekistan, which is not surprising since more than 40 years of war have prevented Afghanistan from building many plants and factories for producing finished goods. A report from November 2024 said in the first ten months of the year, Uzbekistan’s exports to Afghanistan came to some $855.9 million, while Afghan exports to Uzbekistan amounted to only some $28.3 million. Power On Uzbekistan is the leading exporter of electricity to Afghanistan, supplying nearly 60% of Afghanistan’s electricity imports, and that amount could increase soon. Baradar’s delegation discussed progress on the 500 kV transmission line from Uzbekistan’s Surkhan region to Dashti-Alvan, near the Baghlan provincial capital Pul-e-Khumri, which will increase Uzbekistan’s electricity exports to Afghanistan by some 70%. Construction of the 260-kilometer transmission line started in 2018 and has been repeatedly delayed. Baradar said Uzbek officials agreed to cut the cost of building the transmission line from $252 million to $222 million. Turkmenistan is also considering building a 500 kV transmission line to Dashti-Alvan. Uzbek Deputy Prime Minister Khojayev and Baradar reviewed progress at Afghanistan’s Toti-Mardan gas field, just south of the border with Turkmenistan, which is believed to contain vast reserves of natural gas. In November 2024, Uzbekistan signed a ten-year contract to develop the gas field, pledging to invest $100 million in the project each year. According to reports about Baradar’s recent visit, drilling at the site is expected to begin soon. Prime Minister Aripov said Uzbek investors were already preparing to start construction of a cement plant in Afghanistan’s Samangan Province. Taliban officials have been offering Uzbek companies opportunities in Afghanistan’s mining sector for months. The Taliban acting minister of mines and petroleum, Hidayatullah Badri, was part of Baradar’s delegation and he met with Uzbek officials to discuss cooperation in developing Afghanistan’s mineral resources. The Afghan delegation again proposed Uzbek participation in developing mining sites, but there was no word in reports on any agreements. Aripov mentioned Uzbekistan was interested in the exploration and extraction of oil and gas, both of which Uzbekistan needs for domestic consumption, but did not mention mining....