Regional Cooperation - The Times Of Central Asia

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Central Asia Unites: Evacuations Amid Middle East Turmoil

As hostilities between Israel and Iran escalate in the Middle East, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan have initiated a comprehensive evacuation of their citizens from high-risk areas, drawing on regional cooperation and humanitarian assistance to ensure their safe return. Regional Support in Evacuation Efforts Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan have stepped in to aid the Central Asian nations' evacuation operations, providing transit routes and logistical support. At the Astara border checkpoint, six Kazakh citizens crossed from Iran into Azerbaijan, where they were offered medical assistance and meals before continuing their journeys. Turkmenistan has also facilitated the safe passage of approximately 120 evacuees, including citizens of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Romania, through its border checkpoints with Iran. Turkmenistan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs confirmed that foreign diplomats and their families were recently evacuated from Iran through Turkmenistan. The country provided comprehensive humanitarian assistance to the evacuees, offering transportation, food, accommodation, and essential supplies. Turkmenistan’s authorities highlighted that the operation was carried out in close cooperation with foreign embassies and international organizations, reflecting its commitment to humanitarian values, international cooperation, and good neighborly relations, particularly during the “Year of Peace and Trust,” as declared by the United Nations General Assembly at Turkmenistan’s initiative. Uzbekistan has evacuated over 30 citizens of its citizens from Iran via Turkmenistan and Azerbaijan, according to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. “All necessary measures are being taken to ensure the safety of our citizens. The embassies of Uzbekistan in Iran and Israel are operating around the clock,” the ministry stated. Kyrgyzstan has also successfully evacuated 28 of its citizens from Iran via Azerbaijan. "Currently, the necessary assistance is being provided to facilitate the swift return of the evacuees from Azerbaijan to Kyrgyzstan," a Foreign Ministry official stated. Flight Bans and Alternative Routes Kazakhstan’s Civil Aviation Committee has meanwhile implemented a full ban on flights over or near the airspace of Iran, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria following intensified airstrikes in the region. This decision disrupted flights for hundreds of Kazakh travelers, particularly those in the United Arab Emirates and other Middle Eastern nations. To address the situation, alternative evacuation routes were established. On June 15, two FlyDubai flights arrived in Almaty, carrying a total of 332 Kazakh citizens. These flights included passengers initially stranded after the airspace ban and others who had been scheduled to depart after the interruption. Following rerouting operations, airlines such as Air Astana and FlyArystan have warned of disruptions to flights to and from the Gulf and North Africa. Passengers have been advised to check schedules in advance and to expect delays. Mirziyoyev Addresses the Conflict’s Impact The conflict between Israel and Iran has raised serious concerns across Central Asia. Speaking during a government meeting held via videoconference, Uzbekistan’s President Mirziyoyev warned that the hostilities could negatively impact newly developing trade and transport routes in the region. The growing conflict will “have an impact not only on the Middle East, but also on our region. If the escalation continues, trade relations and logistics routes that are...

4th India-Central Asia Dialogue Regional Cooperation India

Opinion: Strengthening the Silk Bonds — India’s Renewed Push Towards Central Asia

The velvet-draped tables of New Delhi’s 4th India-Central Asia Dialogue convened under the stewardship of External Affairs Minister Dr. S. Jaishankar on June 6, 2025, radiated congeniality, with history and strategy converging. This high-level engagement, attended by foreign ministers from Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, marked more than a diplomatic ritual — it signaled India's deepening resolve to recalibrate its strategic posture in a region too long shaped by other powers. Yet beneath pledges of shared civilizational futures and energy corridors, an uncomfortable truth lingered as India remains a guest, not a player, in Central Asia’s great power theatre. Further, India’s internal socio-political landscape presents notable challenges that inadvertently shape its foreign policy credibility, particularly in the eyes of Central Asian nations. Persistent communal tensions — most visibly manifested in the Hindu-Muslim divide, the controversial demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1992, and the politically charged construction of the Ram Mandir — have deepened perceptions of religious polarization. Such domestic developments, while largely internal, resonate beyond India’s borders, especially in the Muslim-majority Central Asian republics, raising concerns about inclusivity and pluralism in India’s governance model. Simultaneously, India’s strained relations with key neighbors — Pakistan, and China, and increasingly volatile dynamics with Nepal, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka — have reinforced a regional image of discord and inconsistency. These internal and regional complexities contribute to a trust deficit, making Central Asian countries cautious in placing long-term strategic confidence in India. For New Delhi to emerge as a dependable partner in the region, addressing internal fissures and presenting a coherent, inclusive national vision is as vital as economic or diplomatic outreach. Central Asia sits at the center of ancient trade routes and modern geopolitical competition. For India, its importance is twofold: the region is a bridge to Eurasia and a repository of energy resources critical to India’s growing economy. But India’s historical connectivity to Central Asia — through the Silk Road, shared cultural legacies, and spiritual exchanges — has, for decades, been overshadowed by geographic and political barriers, notably the lack of direct overland access due to Pakistan. Recognizing these constraints, the dialogue showcased a strategic pivot. India reaffirmed its commitment to enhancing regional connectivity through the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) and the Chabahar Port in Iran. While geopolitical instability in Iran and Afghanistan poses challenges, India's emphasis on multimodal routes demonstrates pragmatic flexibility. In an era defined by supply chain resilience and multipolar geopolitics, connectivity is no longer just an infrastructure question — it is a currency of influence. The dialogue also addressed the evolving regional security architecture. India’s proposal for counter-terrorism cooperation, capacity building, and intelligence sharing was timely and necessary. However, the dialogue echoed with familiar refrains, viz. civilizational bonds, shared destiny, and multipolar cooperation. Yet beneath the diplomatic choreography lies a haunting question. Can India transcend its historical role as Central Asia’s cultural cousin to become its strategic confidant? History whispers caution. The Burden of History: From Silk Roads to Shadow Roads For centuries, the Silk Road...

Rogun HPP Bilateral Investment Electricity supply Regional Cooperation

Kazakhstan Has a Deal for Tajik Electricity, Now the Wait Begins

In the latest sign of Central Asian regional cooperation, Kazakhstan has signed a long-term deal to import electricity from Tajikistan. However, that electricity might not reach Kazakhstan anytime soon, as there are some important details that need to be worked out by Tajikistan before supplies can begin. Kazakhstan’s energy problems Kazakhstan has been experiencing severe energy deficits for several years now, particularly during winter months. Kazakh Senator Suyindik Aldashev said in late February this year that Kazakhstan would be short some 5.7 billion kilowatt hours (kWh) of electricity in 2025, which would be a 46% increase in the country’s electricity deficit compared to 2024. Kazakhstan was forced to import electricity from Russia during the winter of 2024 to help alleviate energy shortages. These shortages contributed to Kazakhstan's decision to hold a referendum to approve the construction of the country’s first nuclear power plant (NPP). To date, however, there has been no announcement of which company will build the NPP, so additional electricity from that source could be a decade or more away. This has led Kazakhstan to explore importing energy resources from its Central Asian neighbors. The head of Turkmenistan’s Halk Maslahaty (People’s Council) Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov just visited Kazakhstan and met with Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev with Turkmen gas exports to its northern neighbor high on the agenda. Kazakhstan has been in discussions with Tajikistan about electricity shipments for months, and the agreement was finalized toward the end of April. Rogun The source of the electricity Tajikistan intends to export to Kazakhstan is the Rogun Hydropower Plant (HPP) on the Vakhsh River, some 110 kilometers east of the Tajik capital Dushanbe. The Rogun HPP has a history of controversy. It was conceived in the 1960s when Tajikistan was a Soviet Republic. Construction on the project started in 1976, but not much had been done by the time the USSR collapsed in late 1991, and work ground to halt shortly thereafter. Russian company RUSAL signed an agreement in 2004 to invest more than $1 billion and finish building Rogun, but disputes over the project led the Tajik government to cancel the contract in 2007. One of the main differences between the two parties was RUSAL’s insistence the dam wall at Rogun be no higher than 285 meters, whereas the Tajik authorities wanted the original height of 335 meters. At 285 meters, the HPP’s output would have been 2400 megawatts (MW), while at 335 meters, the output would be 3600 MW. Russia’s Inter RAO EES was in talks with Tajikistan about the Rogun project in 2008, but in the end, nothing came from those negotiations. With no hope of foreign backing, Tajik President Emomali Rahmon started portraying Rogun as a project of national salvation, the key to energy independence. Rahmon’s government called on citizens to help finance construction of the HPP and when public support in the poorest country in Central Asia proved insufficient, citizens were pressured into buying shares in the project. The government in neighboring Uzbekistan objected to Rogun’s construction,...

Turkey Azerbaijan Regional Cooperation Ukraine War

What Does Turkey’s “Return” to Europe Mean for Central Asia?

Turkey’s ties with Europe are undergoing a reinvigoration. This phenomenon is foregrounded by recent high-level diplomatic engagements and burgeoning military and economic linkages, which may at first glance appear as a realignment within the Euro-Atlantic system. It holds deeper implications, however, and most consequentially for Central Asia. Turkey is re-entering the European strategic imagination, this time not as a supplicant but as a self-assured middle power. Europe's altered international environment, by changing its external posture, will provide the Central Asian states with additional geopolitical resources in a world marked by shifting alignments and competing centers of power. To grasp the systems-level implications of this shift, one must first dispense with the linear narrative of bilateralism that has long framed Turkey-Europe or Turkey-Central Asia relations in isolation. Instead, Turkey’s position as a hub of multi-vectorial networks — anchored in NATO, increasingly interlocked with EU markets, yet culturally and politically entwined with Turkic Central Asia — makes it a proactive agent whose movement in one sphere triggers systemic perturbations across others. Thus, when Turkey edges closer to Europe, it also subtly reconfigures the vector of Central Asia’s international relations. The second Trump administration is continuing the transition in Europe’s security architecture that was inaugurated during the first. With longstanding assumptions about American commitment to the Atlantic alliance shaken, Europe finds itself unmoored. In this new context, Turkey’s military interventions — its incursions in northern and now central Syria, its containment of Russian advances in Ukraine, and its supply of military drones to Azerbaijan — demonstrate a degree of strategic autonomy that is rare among NATO members. Europe has noticed. The readjustment of its view of Turkey is evident through invitations to summits with key EU players, overtures from German and Polish leaders, and discussions around deepening the customs union. Turkey is no longer peripheral country knocking at the EU’s door; shifts in the international system have made it an increasingly indispensable node in the continent’s security and energy architectures. This European courtship of Turkey has ramifications well beyond Brussels or Berlin, or even Ankara. For the Central Asian states, afflicted by asymmetric dependencies on Russia, Turkey’s geopolitical normalization with Europe presents a "demonstration effect". That is, it puts the spotlight on a regional actor that is using soft power affinities and hard power capabilities to parlay its peripheral status into centrality. Turkey’s return to Europe showcases a successful strategy of multidirectional engagement. Such "strategic hedging" obviates obedience to any single bloc, instead leveraging the overall system's recursive entanglements for national-interest advantage. The Turkish-Azerbaijani partnership is illustrative. Turkey’s provision of military assistance used during the Second Karabakh War in 2020, notably the Bayraktar TB2 drones, enabled Azerbaijan to shift the regional balance. Russia is no longer the hegemonic power in the South Caucasus and must compete in a condition where it is diplomatically and militarily weakened by its war against Ukraine. Baku stands to benefit from its multisectoral economic cooperation with Ankara, which goes far beyond military assistance. Specifically, Azerbaijan's partnership with Turkey...

Border Regional Cooperation Kyrgyz-Tajik Border Khujand Summit

Historic Khujand Summit Paves Way for Peace in the Ferghana Valley

The presidents of Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan gathered in the northern Tajik city of Khujand on March 31 for meeting that is decades overdue. Among the agreements the three signed were one fixing the border where their three countries meet. Prior to Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev’s arrival, Kyrgyzstan’s President Sadyr Japarov and Tajikistan’s President Emomali Rahmon exchanged ratified documents of the border agreement between the two countries. Rahmon and Japarov, via video link, also launched the Datka-Sughd power transmission line, a major step in the CASA-1000 project that aims for both their countries to supply electricity to Afghanistan and Pakistan. These agreements might not seem monumental, but they represent a major departure from the troubled past the three governments have had in their border areas. Trouble in Paradise The three countries share the Ferghana Valley, an area roughly the size of Costa Rica that is home to more than 20% of Central Asia’s population. Since the Central Asian states became independent in late 1991, the Ferghana Valley has also been the region’s hotbed of tension. The Ferghana Valley is the cradle of ancient Central Asian civilization. Some living there today say it was the location of the Garden of Eden, and it is not difficult to see why. The Valley is abundant in fruits and vegetables and has extensive arable and grazing land. It is surrounded by mountains to the north, east, and south, and the rivers that flow from these mountains supply ample water. Since independence, the Ferghana Valley has been the most dangerous place in all of Central Asia. The arbitrary borders Soviet mapmakers drew to divide Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan left many problems for the three after they became independent states. Agreement on where Kyrgyz-Uzbek border is came only in late 2022, and Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan just signed the agreement on delimitation of their border on March 12. The Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan The roots of Islam lie deep in the Ferghana Valley. There were already calls for Shari’a law in Uzbekistan’s section of the valley just months after Uzbekistan declared its independence. The most serious security threat to Central Asia to date originated in the Ferghana Valley in 1999 and 2000. In early August 1999, a group of some 20 armed militants from the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) appeared in southern Kyrgyzstan, captured a village, and took the villagers and subsequent government negotiators hostage. The IMU leaders were from the eastern Uzbek city of Namangan. They were connected to the protests in Uzbekistan in late 1991 and later joined the Islamic opposition in neighboring Tajikistan’s 1992-1997 civil war. The peace accord that ended the civil war called for opposition fighters to either join the Tajik armed forces or disarm. There was no longer any need for the opposition’s foreign fighters, and the final phase of disarmament was underway by the summer of 1999. In mid-August, the Kyrgyz government paid a ransom for the hostages’ release and the departure of the IMU militants, but this provided...

Regional Cooperation Trilateral Relations Kyrgyz-Tajik Border

A New Chapter of Peace and Cooperation in Central Asia: The Kyrgyz-Tajik Border Agreement

On March 13, 2025, a historic milestone was achieved with the signing of the Kyrgyz-Tajik border agreement. This long-anticipated treaty, signed by Kyrgyzstan's President Sadyr Japarov and Tajikistan’s President Emomali Rahmon, resolved a long-running dispute over the 984-kilometer boundary between the two nations. Clashes in 2021 and 2022 left scores dead, hundreds wounded, and thousands displaced. The resolution marked not only the end of an enduring source of regional tension but also the beginning of a prospective era of peace and collaboration. The significance of this agreement is substantial and far-reaching. For decades, the unresolved Kyrgyz-Tajik border remained a flashpoint for clashes, occasionally escalating into violence between communities living in border regions such as Batken. The new treaty now promises a peaceful future, with both leaders showing their commitment to long-term regional stability. A Diplomatic Achievement The path to this agreement was anything but straightforward, with Kyrgyz President Japarov characterizing the land exchanges involved in the treaty as a “tough but necessary decision.” During Nauryz celebrations in Osh, Japarov praised the expert teams who worked for four years to reach a settlement that balanced the interests of both sides. Japarov emphasized the benefits of the treaty for border-area communities, specifically in Batken, where tensions have been acute. The “lives of our citizens in border areas of the Batken region will be peaceful from now on,” he stated, promising new homes for residents displaced during past conflicts. The treaty aims to bring not only peace but also economic development, as secure frontiers pave the way for cross-border trade and infrastructure investment. For Tajikistan's President Rahmon, the agreement not only resolved a geopolitical challenge but reinforced the shared value of cooperation in the region. His message during Nauryz to President Japarov symbolized the optimism underpinning their new relationship. “I am confident that our countries, relying on the high universal values of this ancient holiday, will continue their joint efforts to enrich the content of their multifaceted relations,” Rahmon wrote. Messages of Support on a Symbol of Renewal The signing of the treaty aligned closely with Nauryz, the ancient festival that symbolizes renewal, prosperity, and unity across Central Asia. World leaders also viewed the timing as auspicious, with U.S. President Donald Trump extending his congratulations to President Rahmon in a message of goodwill on the occasion of Nauryz. “This is a major achievement that will bring great economic benefits and security to both countries," Trump wrote, highlighting the agreement's potential to stabilize the region. Trump also reaffirmed America's support for Tajikistan’s sovereignty, underscoring the importance of ongoing cooperation. His words echoed a broad international sentiment celebrating the Kyrgyz-Tajik agreement as a step toward enhanced regional partnerships. Regional Cooperation on the Rise The Kyrgyz-Tajik border agreement forms part of a broader trend of strengthening ties among Central Asian nations. Recently, Kyrgyzstan resolved a similar border issue with Uzbekistan, setting a precedent for peaceful dispute resolution. Now, Japarov has suggested taking the next step by creating a visa-free travel regime and even a unified regional...