• KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10718 -0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10718 -0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10718 -0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10718 -0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10718 -0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10718 -0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10718 -0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10718 -0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%

Viewing results 1 - 6 of 68

Turkmenistan Ranks 173rd in Global Press Freedom Index

Turkmenistan ranked 173rd out of 180 countries in the 2026 World Press Freedom Index, a slight improvement from 174th place in 2025. According to the report compiled by Reporters Without Borders (commonly known by its French acronym, RSF), the highest-ranked country in Central Asia was Kyrgyzstan in 146th place, followed by Uzbekistan (147th), Kazakhstan (149th), and Tajikistan (155th). Russia ranked 172nd, just one position above Turkmenistan. The authors note that Eastern Europe and Central Asia remain the second-worst-performing regions globally in the 2026 index. “The region is increasingly resembling a vast laboratory of inverted values, where legality is artificial and primarily serves the interests of those in power rather than protecting the right to information,” the report states. In Kazakhstan, RSF says tightening legal frameworks are combined with indirect pressure, increasing online harassment, and a climate of impunity. Kyrgyzstan, meanwhile, is following a similar trend, with declining legal protections for journalists. Among the lowest-ranked countries are Belarus, Azerbaijan, Russia, and Turkmenistan, all of which scored particularly poorly in the legal category, with ratings ranging from 22 to 32 out of 100. More broadly, the report highlights a global decline in press freedom. “For the first time in the history of the index, conditions in more than half of all countries are classified as ‘difficult’ or ‘very serious.’ Over 25 years of observation, the global average has never been this low,” the authors note. According to RSF, the introduction of laws restricting press freedom, often justified by national security concerns, has contributed to a steady deterioration in media conditions since 2001, affecting not only authoritarian states but also democracies. “The legal indicator saw the sharpest decline this year, reflecting the growing number of legal proceedings against journalists and media outlets,” the report concludes.

Cyberbullying in Central Asia: What Legal Protections Are There?

Cyberbullying has long ceased to be merely an argument on the internet. Insults, harassment in chats, the publication of humiliating photos and videos, coordinated mockery, threats, and the spread of false information can cause harm comparable to offline violence. In Central Asia, the problem is becoming increasingly visible, but legal responses still vary significantly. As of 2026, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan have incorporated bullying and cyberbullying into legislation more directly, while Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan continue to address such cases mainly through general provisions on insult, defamation, threats, child protection, and internet regulation. Kazakhstan has taken the most explicit legislative approach to cyberbullying. The law introduced an official definition: cyberbullying is understood as systematic actions, that is, actions committed two or more times of a humiliating nature against a child, including persecution and intimidation using internet resources. The law also grants a citizen or the legal representative of a child the right to submit a complaint to the authorized body regarding instances of cyberbullying against a child, specifying the relevant internet resource. At the same time, laws on children’s rights and education have formally incorporated the concept of child bullying, including acts committed through media and telecommunications networks. A further step was taken in 2024, when Article 127-2 (“Bullying of a Minor”) was added to Kazakhstan’s Code of Administrative Offenses. It provides for a warning or a fine, with higher penalties for repeated violations within a year. In December 2024, Kazinform reported that Kazakhstan became the first country in Central Asia to establish specific liability for the bullying and cyberbullying of children in a separate legal provision, which entered into force on June 16, 2024. It is also significant that the provision is now being applied in practice. According to data released in February 2026 by the Deputy Chair of the Committee for the Protection of Children’s Rights, around 200 cases of bullying and cyberbullying against children had been recorded in 2025. This figure is important not only in itself; it indicates that the state has begun systematically recording such incidents and that victims and their families are more likely to seek protection. The main strength of the Kazakh model is its clarity. The law explicitly defines the problem, outlines complaint procedures, and establishes specific liability. Its main limitation lies in implementation: as with domestic violence legislation, effectiveness depends on how prepared schools, parents, law enforcement, and online platforms are to apply it in practice. Uzbekistan: Cyberbullying Within the Child Protection Framework In Uzbekistan, there is no separate legal provision titled “cyberbullying,” but the country has taken a significant step in terms of child protection. The Law “On the Protection of Children from All Forms of Violence,” adopted on November 14, 2024, and in force since May 15, 2025, explicitly recognizes bullying as a form of violence against children. The law defines such violence as actions, including those carried out through telecommunications networks and the internet, that cause or may cause physical or psychological harm. The definition of bullying explicitly includes...

Former Head of Turkmen Railways on Trial in Russia Over Alleged Drug Smuggling

The former head of Turkmenistan’s state rail company is facing trial in Russia on charges of large-scale drug smuggling, as reports emerge of a covert, high-level campaign to secure his release. Khydyr Rakhmanov, who led Demiryollary JSC (Turkmen Railways), was detained on October 4, 2025, at Moscow's Domodedovo airport while allegedly attempting to import LSD. Russian authorities subsequently opened a criminal case under Article 229.1 of the Criminal Code, “Smuggling of narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances.” He has been held in custody since October 6, and on December 4, the Domodedovo court extended his pretrial detention by another two months. Sources cited by turkmen.news allege Rakhmanov is charged under the most severe subsection of the statute, which covers large-scale smuggling and carries a sentence of 10 to 20 years in prison and a fine of up to $13,000. The law does not allow for a suspended sentence. Despite this, efforts appear to be underway to negotiate Rakhmanov’s return to Turkmenistan. According to turkmen.news, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Turkmenistan, led by Rashid Meredov, is personally involved in an unofficial campaign to secure his release. Sources further claim that $3 million was transferred from Ashgabat via diplomatic mail as part of a backchannel attempt to reach a settlement with Russian authorities. Roman Kuchin, a Russian lawyer with prior experience in the prosecutor’s office and close ties to legal and political networks, has reportedly been retained to advocate for a suspended sentence and eventual deportation of Rakhmanov. Notably, there is no public information about the case on the Russian court’s official website. Earlier reports suggested that Turkmen special service operatives traveled to Russia to conduct direct negotiations with law enforcement officials. The situation underscores Turkmenistan’s behind-the-scenes influence campaign and raises questions about transparency and diplomatic maneuvering in high-stakes criminal cases involving state officials.

“We Can’t Help You”: How Turkmenistan’s Ministry of Justice Handles Citizens’ Complaints

A recent public reception at Turkmenistan’s Ministry of Justice has highlighted the formal and often unproductive nature of interactions between citizens and state institutions in the country. On January 10 the ministry held a legal consultation session, officially scheduled to run from 9:00 a.m. to 12:00 p.m. In practice, however, visitors were not admitted until 10:00 a.m. According to Chronicles of Turkmenistan, more than 50 citizens attended the reception, many of whom had previously appealed to state agencies multiple times. They arrived with letters, formal statements, and supporting documentation in hand. Entry was granted in groups of three. The commission included representatives from the Ministry of Justice, the Prosecutor General’s Office, the Supreme Court, and the Bar Association. Each individual was given no more than five minutes. Despite the format suggesting legal support, the outcome for most attendees was discouragingly uniform. After speaking with 38 participants, journalists reported that all had received the same response: “We can’t help you.” Several attendees stated that officials did not even review the documents submitted with their complaints. As a result, nearly all who came seeking redress left empty-handed. Many expressed hopelessness, stating that they had no viable path to resolve their issues, and that government institutions had effectively denied them access to justice. The Times of Central Asia previously reported on the broader challenges faced by Turkmen citizens in navigating bureaucratic procedures and, in particular, how elderly residents endured long waits at social security offices. Although the process appears straightforward on paper, in practice it becomes a burdensome ordeal, especially given the government’s continued refusal to index pensions and social benefits. Missing a single appointment can result in suspended payments, with delays of up to six months before back payments are processed.

Turkmenistan Denies Early Release to Activist Mansur Mingelov Despite Serious Illness

Turkmenistan’s Ministry of Internal Affairs has rejected a request to initiate early release procedures for imprisoned human rights activist Mansur Mingelov, despite his confirmed serious medical diagnosis and the legal provisions that would permit such action. According to an official response dated October 20, the Department for the Enforcement of Sentences under the Ministry of Internal Affairs concluded there were “no grounds” for early release. The response followed appeals by Mingelov’s family to the Prosecutor General’s Office and the Ministry of Internal Affairs, citing his deteriorating health and referencing multiple legal articles supporting their request. Mingelov, who has been imprisoned since 2012, was convicted after defending his own rights and those of the Baloch minority in Turkmenistan. His family cited Article 76 of the Criminal Code (“Release from punishment due to serious illness”) and Article 166 of the Criminal Enforcement Code (“Grounds for release from serving a sentence”), as well as Presidential Decree No. 202 of May 11, 2017, which outlines the medical criteria for such releases. In mid-2024, a commission from the Ministry of Health officially diagnosed Mingelov with tuberculous arthritis in both knees, a condition that, according to doctors, cannot be treated inside Turkmenistan. He is currently being held at the MR-B/15 prison hospital. Notably, Vepa Hajiyev, Turkmenistan’s permanent representative to the United Nations, publicly acknowledged Mingelov’s diagnosis and affirmed that national legislation provides for the release of prisoners with serious illnesses upon court approval. Under existing law, a court can only consider such cases after receiving a joint submission from the prison monitoring commission and the sentencing authority - a process Mingelov’s family attempted to initiate but which authorities declined to advance. Despite the official diagnosis and detailed legal framework, no follow-up medical examination or formal review of Mingelov’s health condition has been conducted, according to the independent outlet, turkmen.news. Mingelov's relatives argue that the Ministry’s refusal is not based on medical or legal grounds, but rather political calculation. They note that Mingelov has served more than half of his sentence, one they consider to be politically motivated and unlawful, and that his condition meets all criteria for early release. In their view, the key decision lies with Turkmen President Serdar Berdimuhamedov. Human rights organizations and family members suggest that releasing Mingelov, along with other political prisoners, could help improve Turkmenistan’s international standing by showing a willingness to respect its own laws and humanitarian obligations. For now, the contradiction remains stark: the illness is acknowledged, the law is in place, and the legal procedure is defined, yet no action has been taken.

Human Rights Groups Urge Turkmenistan to Release Activists Ahead of Neutrality Anniversary

As Turkmenistan prepares to mark the 30th anniversary of its policy of permanent neutrality, international human rights organizations are urging the government to commemorate the occasion by releasing civil society activists imprisoned for peacefully expressing their views. In a joint appeal, the International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR), the Turkmen Initiative for Human Rights (TIHR), Turkmen.News, and the Norwegian Helsinki Committee (NHC) called on Turkmen authorities to use the milestone as an opportunity to take a humanitarian step by pardoning activists jailed on politically motivated charges. The organizations emphasized that presidential pardons remain the only available legal mechanism for early release in Turkmenistan. Including these cases in the official pardon process, they argue, would demonstrate the country’s willingness to align with international human rights standards. Among the prisoners named in the appeal is Mansur Mingelov, a human rights activist who has been incarcerated since 2012. He is serving a 22 year sentence after publicly denouncing the abuse of ethnic Baloch people. Another activist, Murat Dushemov, was sentenced to four years for publicly criticizing the government and its handling of the COVID-19 pandemic. He was expected to be released in the summer of 2025. The rights groups also expressed growing concern about activists and citizen journalists who were detained abroad and reportedly subjected to forced return to Turkmenistan, where they face prosecution under opaque legal processes. Citizen journalists Alisher Sakhatov and Abdulla Orusov were detained in Turkey in April 2025 on charges of “threatening public safety.” Farhat Meymankuliev was deported from Turkey in 2023 and, according to human rights monitors, subsequently imprisoned following a closed trial. In another case, Malikberdy Allamyrradov was secretly transferred from Russia to Turkmenistan in December 2023 and later charged with assaulting a cellmate. Saddam Gulamov was also forcibly returned from Russia and sentenced to a prison colony in the Lebap region. The human rights groups argue that freeing these individuals would send a strong message of goodwill during a major national celebration and offer a concrete signal of Turkmenistan’s readiness to uphold its international obligations.