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Turkish Court Orders Deportation of Two Turkmen Bloggers

A Turkish court in the city of Samsun has ordered the deportation of two Turkmen bloggers, Alisher Sakhadov and Abdullah Orusov, despite their applications for international protection. The Turkmenistan Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights reported that the court issued its ruling on June 13, 2025, and officially notified the men's lawyer on June 27. The court found both men to be residing in Turkey illegally and rejected their asylum claims. According to documents reviewed by their lawyer, the decisions in the two cases were nearly identical, with some sections reportedly copied verbatim. Sakhadov applied for protection in April 2023 but was later issued a permanent entry ban under Code G-82, which Turkish authorities assign to individuals deemed threats to national security. The court concluded that he faced no credible risk of mistreatment if returned to Turkmenistan. Orusov’s case followed a similar pattern. He applied for protection in July 2023 and received the same security designation. The court similarly ruled that his return would not expose him to torture or degrading treatment. Their legal team plans to appeal the ruling to Turkey’s Constitutional Court. Requests for the release of both men from deportation centers were denied on June 25 and 26. Alisher Sahatov is one of the most prominent Turkmen activists in Turkey. He became a well-known figure within the diaspora through his YouTube channel Erkin Garaýyş, where he highlighted the challenges faced by Turkmen migrants. Abdullah Orusov was also active on social media, where he regularly criticized the Turkmen authorities. His posts often resonated widely among migrants and human rights advocates. As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, another Turkmen activist, Dushemov, completed a four-year prison sentence in June 2025 but was transferred to a pre-trial detention center instead of being released. New charges were filed against him following an alleged altercation with another inmate. Dushemov and human rights organizations claim the case was fabricated to extend his detention, part of what they describe as a broader campaign of repression against government critics.

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Turkmenistan’s Diplomatic Moves Amid Iran-Israel Tensions

One of the elements most highlighted by the recent military confrontation between Israel and the U.S. on one side and Iran on the other is the geographical relevance of Central Asia to the situation. This is particularly true in the case of Turkmenistan, a country that shares a border of almost 1,200 kilometers with Iran. During the most intense days of the conflict, in a particularly unusual move, Turkmenistan opened its borders to foreign citizens seeking to escape from Iranian territory, which was under Israeli air strikes at the time. On the diplomatic front, there have also been several high-level meetings and talks involving Turkmenistan; just after his meeting in Moscow with Russian President Vladimir Putin, the Iranian Foreign Minister, Abbas Araghchi, travelled to Ashgabat for a meeting with his Turkmen counterpart, Rashid Meredov. The day after, Meredov had a telephone conversation with U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, and Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov arrived in Ashgabat for a meeting with the Turkmen leader, Serdar Berdimuhamedov. Focusing primarily on the mutual isolation of Turkmenistan and Iran, Luca Anceschi, Professor of Eurasian Studies at the University of Glasgow, gave The Times of Central Asia his interpretation of these developments: “In my opinion, there is a fundamental issue, which is Turkmen isolation. When we see a small shift, we think that things are changing, but nothing changes. The second isolation is that of Iran, which in this case is not intentional. The reality we have seen in recent days is that Iran is isolated at the regional level. Russia has made it clear that Iran is expendable, and has not given reassuring answers. We see that there is an attempt to remedy this forced isolation on the part of Iran. To get out of these regional arrangements, they have tried to go everywhere, including Ashgabat.” Operational agreements on the energy side are certainly weighing on Tehran's desire to reassure Turkmenistan about the stability of the theocratic regime that rules Iran. These agreements are particularly useful to Iran in meeting the energy needs of the northern part of the country, which is remote and poorly connected to the south, where the country’s main natural gas fields are located. According to Temur Umarov, a Fellow at the Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center, “Since 2022, Turkmenistan's visibility in Eurasian politics has certainly increased, and this is also the result of geopolitical changes that have taken place in the region in recent years,” Umarov told TCA. “What happened in Iran further increases Ashgabat's visibility, but it was coincidental that Lavrov's visit to Turkmenistan took place during the clash between Israel and Iran, as it was part of a wider tour of the region by the Russian Foreign Minister.” Another aspect that should be considered is the change in tone on the part of Turkmen diplomacy, which at first glance appears much more assertive than in the past. A few weeks ago, Ashgabat issued a very harsh statement regarding Trump's decision to include Turkmenistan among the countries...

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Turkmen Woman Appeals to President After Year-Long Travel Ban

Zulfiya Kazhyr, a citizen of Turkmenistan, and her six-year-old daughter have been barred from leaving the country for nearly a year, despite renewing their passports and submitting multiple appeals to authorities in both Turkmenistan and Turkey. Kazhyr has now made a public appeal to President Serdar Berdimuhamedov, urging him to intervene. Trapped in Limbo Kazhyr, a Turkmenistan national living in Turkey, traveled to Ashgabat in the summer of 2024 to renew her passport. After the renewal was completed, her husband, Turkish citizen Ahmet Sefa, bought tickets for their return to Istanbul. However, when they arrived at the airport, Kazhyr was unexpectedly prevented from boarding the flight. Immigration officials provided no explanation. Her daughter, who holds Turkish citizenship and suffers from autism and celiac disease, a condition requiring a strict gluten-free diet and regular medical supervision, remains in Turkmenistan with her. “Please, I beg you, help us. My daughter is exhausted; she has been sick twice here,” Kazhyr pleaded in a video addressed to President Berdimuhamedov. “I cannot manage her condition properly here. There are no suitable products, and this is not my home.” While authorities do not restrict the child from leaving, her mother is not permitted to depart. Sefa continues to send specialized food from Turkey, but proper care remains impossible in his absence. Sefa said he has appealed to the foreign ministries and embassies of both countries but has received no response. “We’re in a hopeless situation. My daughter can leave, but how can they separate a child from her mother?” he said. Attempts by journalists to reach Turkmenistan's migration service were unsuccessful. Officials declined to comment and advised Kazhyr to "call herself." A Systemic Issue According to Istanbul-based Turkmen activist Zarina Akhtyamova, such restrictions are not uncommon. She cites poverty, unemployment, and inadequate medical access among Turkmen migrants in Turkey as likely motivations for the state's unofficial control over citizens’ departures. In January 2025, two Turkish nationals publicly appealed to Presidents Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Serdar Berdimuhamedov to permit their Turkmen wives to leave Ashgabat. The women, like Kazhyr, had traveled home solely to renew their passports and were then prevented from departing without explanation. Activists report that at least 60 families have faced similar issues. Following the January appeal, authorities reportedly allowed some women to leave. A source within the migration service said that of approximately 150 affected individuals, 60 have since returned to Turkey. Kazhyr and her daughter, however, remain in Ashgabat. The child’s health continues to decline, and the family’s calls for justice remain unanswered.

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Turkmenistan Attracts Renewed Attention from Washington and Moscow Amid Regional Tensions

Turkmenistan has become the focus of intensified diplomatic engagement from both Russia and the United States, as geopolitical tensions in the broader region escalate, particularly following recent clashes between Iran and Israel. On June 25, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov concluded a two-day visit to Ashgabat, where he emphasized expanding economic ties but also made clear Russia’s intention to preserve its cultural and political influence in Turkmenistan. Lavrov announced plans to open a joint Russian-Turkmen university and called for increased youth exchanges. “We suggest expanding the productive interaction between the Institute of International Relations under Turkmenistan’ Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the MGIMO University under the Russian Foreign Ministry and developing ties between budding diplomats of the both countries with the assistance of our Council of Young Diplomats,” Lavrov said, according to a Russian Foreign Ministry transcript. In parallel, Lavrov took aim at U.S. regional policy. While condemning U.S. strikes on Iranian nuclear infrastructure under the Trump administration, he nonetheless praised its “realism and common sense,” in contrast to what he termed the Biden administration’s “neoliberal hegemonic plans.” U.S. Diplomatic Overtures The United States has also stepped up its outreach. On the same day Lavrov arrived in Ashgabat, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio held a phone call with Turkmen Foreign Minister Rashid Meredov. Two days earlier, Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau also spoke with Meredov. According to a State Department readout, Rubio thanked Turkmenistan for facilitating the transit of U.S. citizens out of Iran during the recent Iranian-Israeli crisis and expressed interest in expanding economic and commercial cooperation. Though historically neutral and cautious in its diplomacy, Turkmenistan has shown recent signs of greater engagement with Western partners. Earlier this year, it launched a gas-swap deal involving Turkey and Iran to supply natural gas to the European Union, a move some analysts suggest may have raised concerns in Moscow. Strategic Infrastructure and U.S. Interest Adding to speculation over increased Western interest, on June 23, Nezavisimaya Gazeta reported the opening of a new airport in Jebel, near the Caspian Sea. The airport, built on the site of a former Soviet military airfield, features a 3,200-meter runway and modern navigation systems. The publication suggested that such infrastructure could be of interest to the U.S. military. Despite recent overtures, Turkmenistan’s relations with Washington have faced challenges. As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, citizens of Turkmenistan are among those affected by new travel restrictions under an executive order signed by President Donald Trump. The order, which took effect on June 9, aims to curb visa overstays and enhance national security. Critics argue that the measure is overly broad and risks being discriminatory.

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From Eurasia to Greater Central Asia: A Region Reclaims Its Voice

At its most basic, Eurasia refers to the combined landmass of Europe and Asia, stretching from the Atlantic Ocean in the west to the Pacific in the east, and from the Arctic in the north to South and Southeast Asia in the south. Yet when defined in political or economic terms, the concept becomes more complex. This vast region—covering over 36% of the world’s surface area—includes influential Western institutions in the west, such as the European Union and the Council of Europe. In contrast, the east is shaped by post-Soviet and Sino-Russian groupings, including the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). In policy circles, the term "Eurasia" often refers more narrowly to the Caucasus (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia) and Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Mongolia, and Afghanistan). Yet countries in these regions rarely lead the institutions that shape their future. Instead, most regional organizations are dominated by larger powers, primarily Russia and China. One partial exception is the Organization of Turkic States (OTS), though it excludes non-Turkic members such as Tajikistan, Georgia, and Armenia. Many external actors—beginning with Japan's "Central Asia plus Japan" initiative in 2001—have formed dialogue platforms with the five post-Soviet Central Asian republics, often referred to collectively as the "C5." More recently, Turkey, China, the EU, and others have created similar frameworks. While these engagements have value, they are usually shaped by external agendas. The fundamental issue remains: Central Asia lacks strong, self-directed institutions of its own. In response to this institutional vacuum, Professor S. Frederick Starr proposed in 2015 a broader regional framing: Greater Central Asia. He called for moving beyond the Soviet-era definition of Central Asia to include neighboring regions with shared historical, cultural, and strategic ties. He also noted a stark reality: Greater Central Asia is the only region of its kind without its own exclusive institutions—ones not directed by outsiders. That may be starting to change. A more distinct regional identity is emerging, with new frameworks for cooperation gradually taking shape. As countries in the region increasingly define their own development priorities and diversify partnerships beyond Moscow and Beijing, there is growing momentum for a more autonomous and inclusive model of regional integration. One of the clearest examples is CAMCA—an initiative that reflects the full geographic and political scope of Greater Central Asia. Over the past decade, the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute (CACI), founded by Professor Starr, has worked with the Rumsfeld Foundation to support a new generation of regional leaders through the CAMCA Fellowship Program. Originally conceived by alumni of a joint initiative between Starr and former U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld more than fifteen years ago, the CAMCA Network has become one of the few institutions uniting the entire Greater Central Asia region. Each year, the fellowship culminates in a regional forum hosted by a different CAMCA country. The most recent—held last week in Ulaanbaatar—marked the 11th such gathering and the second time the event has been hosted by CAMCA...

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After High Hopes, Central Asia Views Iran Trade Routes with More Caution

Like some Central Asian neighbors, Uzbekistan is urgently reviewing possible changes to some trade routes because of conflict in the Middle East, even though that could entail sharply higher transport costs. The contingency planning follows a surge in trade talks between officials from Iran and countries in Central Asia earlier this year, prior to the intense strikes that Israel and Iran launched at each other this month. A ceasefire between Israel and Iran appeared to be holding on Wednesday, but questions remain about Iran’s ability to build a nuclear bomb even after the U.S. attacked Iranian nuclear sites. U.S. President Donald Trump said the sites were “obliterated,” but, according to some Western media organizations, a preliminary U.S. intelligence report concluded that the U.S. attacks may have only set back Iran’s nuclear program by months. A June 25 statement by the Central Intelligence Agency says that “Iran’s nuclear program has been severely damaged by the recent, targeted strikes.” Against this murky backdrop, and the partial uncertainty over Central Asia’s extensive web of trade links, Uzbekistan is reviewing transport and logistics arrangements to keep its economy and connections with international partners running as smoothly as possible. Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev discussed options with key advisers at a meeting on Monday. “The military actions that have taken place in the Middle East in recent days have further aggravated the already unstable situation. This cannot but affect Uzbekistan's foreign economic relations and access to world markets,” Uzbekistan’s presidential office said. “In particular, the need to diversify export routes and redirect cargo to other, safer ports was noted. According to preliminary estimates, this could lead to an increase in transportation costs by up to 30%. In this regard, instructions were given to coordinate alternative routes with partner countries and support export-oriented enterprises,” the presidency said. It said the trade and transport ministers, as well as other key officials, have been instructed to help business groups with export-import operations and finding new sales markets. Maintaining price stability in the domestic market and sustainable production rates are also key concerns. Last month, Uzbek and Iranian officials met in Tehran and agreed to expand trade between their countries to an annual $2 billion, four times the current amount. Iranian ports offer Central Asian exporters access to the Indian Ocean and international markets beyond. “The five Central Asian republics — Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan — are increasingly seeking alternatives to the traditional transit routes that have tied them to Moscow or made them dependent on Chinese infrastructure,” said a commentary posted by the Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies, an Israel-based group that studies Mideast security and foreign policy. “Iran offers an appealing option: a gateway to the Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean, access to European markets via Turkey, and industrial and technological partnerships that diversify the region’s economic relationships,” said the analysis, which was published on June 4, shortly before the recent round of fighting between Israel and Iran. Officials in Kazakhstan have warned of disruption to southern...