• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00206 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10771 0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00206 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10771 0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00206 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10771 0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00206 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10771 0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00206 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10771 0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00206 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10771 0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00206 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10771 0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00206 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10771 0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%

Our People > Andrei Matveev

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Journalist

Andrei Matveev is a journalist from Kazakhstan.

Articles

Opinion: Kazakhstan’s Electoral Reforms – Why Officials and Experts Are Reconsidering Local Democracy

The metaphor that history moves in a spiral has resurfaced in Kazakhstan, where ongoing debates over electoral reform and information policy are testing the boundaries of the country’s democratic trajectory. Recent official messaging points toward a more managed model of political participation, framed as a necessary response to emerging challenges. This trajectory was articulated by State Councilor Erlan Karin in his article, "The Politics of Common Sense," published in the state-run Kazakhstanskaya Pravda. In the piece, Karin reflects on the formation of public values in Kazakhstan, portraying it as an evolutionary process. Simultaneously, Karin references government-led social programs, such as “Law and Order,” “Clean Kazakhstan,” and “Adal Azamat” - a program focused on building character, promoting civic responsibility, and fostering national unity - as instruments of state-directed civic education. Karin reiterates his previously stated position on the existence of “red lines” in public discourse, sensitive subjects such as interethnic relations, religion, language, and foreign policy. While insisting that these topics should not be off-limits, he calls for “common sense” in how they are discussed. “When it comes to public stability, the state will not compromise,” he asserts, adding that the government will lawfully oppose any attempts at “destructive information influence and incitement to hatred.” Karin also highlights what he describes as a new category of problematic actors: "This spring, I drew attention to a phenomenon known as ‘inforeket,’ in which certain bloggers and activists engage in outright extortion. This practice stems from past policies of appeasement toward disruptive elements, which encouraged the rise of pseudo-public figures, bloggers, and ‘tame oppositionists.’ Now abandoned by their once-powerful patrons and wealthy clients, they continue to seek income using outdated methods." In the same article, Karin names a group of experts, deputies, and public figures who contributed input to the new internal policy principles. Several of these individuals are currently advancing proposals to revise aspects of Kazakhstan’s electoral system—particularly the mechanisms for selecting district akims. Among them is Berik Abdygaliuly, political scientist, historian, and director of the National Museum of Kazakhstan. In a recent podcast, Abdygaliuly argued for reconsidering the model of electing district akims. He noted that while more than 3,000 rural akims and maslikhat deputies have been elected in recent years, the outcomes have been mixed. Voter fatigue is mounting, he said, and the financial costs of repeated campaigns - amounting to hundreds of millions of tenge - have not corresponded with visible improvements in local governance. His proposal is that district akims should be chosen not by direct popular vote but by maslikhats, the local representative bodies empowered to demand reports, assess performance, express no confidence, and initiate dismissals. This idea quickly gained support from other commentators participating in public discussions of governance reform. Political analyst Marat Shibutov wrote on his Telegram channel that the electorate is “simply getting tired of elections” after several consecutive voting cycles since 2021. Shibutov supported the idea of “revising or freezing” the election mechanism for district akims as “rational.” Meanwhile, political scientist Andrey Chebotarev highlighted...

7 months ago

CSTO Summit in Bishkek: Armenia’s Boycott, Russia’s Agenda, and a New Secretary General

On November 27, Kyrgyzstan will host the annual summit of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) in Bishkek, bringing together foreign ministers, defense ministers, and security council secretaries from member states. While often portrayed in Russian media as an Eurasian analogue to NATO, the CSTO remains an organization heavily dependent on Russian military power. Should Moscow withdraw or reduce its support, the Organization’s relevance would likely collapse. A stark illustration of this fragility is Armenia, whose Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan will boycott the summit entirely. Russian Presidential Aide Yuri Ushakov confirmed that Armenia will not attend the session of the Collective Security Council, the CSTO’s highest governing body, though it does not object to the adoption of bloc-wide documents. According to the CSTO press service, the Council is expected to adopt a declaration outlining member states’ joint positions on current security challenges. Also on the agenda is the formal appointment of the next Secretary General for the 2026-2029 term, and the unveiling of Russia’s priorities for its upcoming presidency in 2026. President Vladimir Putin’s speech on these priorities is expected to dominate the summit. Armenia’s withdrawal highlights the CSTO’s waning cohesion, maintained largely by members' reliance on Russian security assistance, a dynamic in place since the Treaty’s inception in Tashkent on May 15, 1992. The original signatories included Armenia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan, with Azerbaijan, Belarus, and Georgia joining in 1993. The treaty entered into force in 1994. Its central provision, Article 4, mandates collective defense: an attack on one member is considered an attack on all, obligating military and other forms of assistance in line with Article 51 of the UN Charter. In 1999, Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, and Tajikistan signed a protocol extending the treaty, establishing an automatic renewal every five years. The formal CSTO was created in 2002; its charter was registered with the UN the following year, and it has held observer status at the UN General Assembly since 2004. For Armenia, the CSTO’s relevance has waned dramatically since the bloc declined to intervene during the final phase of the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis. Yerevan’s disenchantment, however, predates 2023 and stretches back to the 2021–2022 border clashes, when it also felt the organization had failed to provide meaningful support. Kazakhstan, by contrast, remains a key beneficiary: the rapid CSTO deployment in January 2022 played a central role in stabilizing the country during a period of acute domestic unrest. As the current Secretary General, Imangali Tasmagambetov - an influential figure from the “Old Kazakhstan” elite - completes his term, the position is scheduled to rotate to Taalatbek Masadykov of Kyrgyzstan. Ushakov confirmed that Tasmagambetov will deliver a final report on the Organization’s activities and security concerns before officially stepping down on January 1. Masadykov, currently Deputy Secretary General, is expected to assume the role seamlessly. While Masadykov brings diplomatic gravitas, the question remains whether he can restrain Moscow and Minsk from pushing CSTO allies toward confrontation with NATO. Tasmagambetov leaves behind a significant legacy and an...

7 months ago

Lukoil ‘Garage Sale’ – Uzbekistan Bows Out, Kazakhstan Keeps Its Options Open

The story of the disposal of foreign assets by Lukoil, which has fallen under U.S. sanctions, is reaching its closing stages. A shortlist of potential buyers has already emerged, and in Kazakhstan intrigue remains: will the country’s national oil and gas company capitalise on the opportunity to acquire Lukoil’s shares in major projects? A recent Reuters report noted that potential buyers of Lukoil’s assets face two key complications: first, U.S. firms, such as Carlyle, Chevron, and Exxon, are seen by analysts as more likely to get licensed, meaning deals will only be recognised after proper U.S. licence approval. Second, Lukoil itself had preferred to sell its assets as a package deal rather than piecemeal.  However, after a deal to offload assets to Guvnor collapsed, several analyses now say a full package sale is unlikely and that piecemeal deals are more realistic or even more profitable. A new negotiation deadline has now been set for December 13, 2025, for the completion of authorised transactions.  Kazakhstan-based oil and gas market observer Oleg Chervinsky suggests that this could increase the likelihood of a “twostage process”. “Most likely, a single buyer with sufficient resources will purchase all of Lukoil’s foreign assets at a significant discount, then sell them off in parts,” Chervinsky said. Some media reports point to the U.S. investment firm Carlyle Group as showing interest in Lukoil’s assets. The firm is considered a plausible main buyer due to its former ties to U.S. presidents Bush senior and junior. In this scenario, Carlyle would act both as buyer and organiser of the subsequent 'garage sale' of individual assets. Other firms, such as Chevron Corporation and ExxonMobil, have already been linked in reports with interest in Lukoil’s Kazakh stakes in the Tengiz and Karachaganak oil fields, while Abu Dhabi National Oil Company (ADNOC) has shown interest in Lukoil’s Uzbek gas projects.  Meanwhile, three weeks ago, Uzbekistan made its position clear: it will not participate in the acquisition of Lukoil’s assets. Uzbekneftegaz Chairman Bahodir Sidikov said that "Buying out Lukoil’s assets in Uzbekistan is not on the table right now.”  In Kazakhstan, energy sector experts believe that this moment presents a real window of opportunity to acquire Lukoil’s shares in systemically important oil and gas projects. “Why hasn’t our Ministry of Energy asked: does the Ministry approve changes in the shareholder structure under the terms of the stabilized contracts for Tengiz and Karachaganak? These shares (if a sale takes place) should go to KazMunayGas. If KMG doesn’t have the cash, then the Chinese state-owned CNPC should be brought in. To balance interests, it would be optimal for one of the world’s largest oil corporations to enter Tengiz and Karachaganak,” argues specialist Olzhas Baidildinov. Baidildinov cited a review by Norway’s Rystad Energy estimating that Lukoil’s net cash flow from its Tengiz stake over the next five years will total $2.8 billion, and from Karachaganak $2.1 billion. However, Kazakhstan’s Energy Minister Erlan Akkenzhenov recently stated that the government is not considering a purchase of Lukoil’s shares. At the same time,...

7 months ago

Kazakhstan vs. Eni: Who Is the Key Figure in the Swiss Lawsuit?

Kazakhstan’s $166 billion legal campaign against the oil majors, Shell, ExxonMobil, TotalEnergies, and Eni has expanded to Switzerland. According to Bloomberg, PSA LLP, representing Kazakhstan’s Ministry of Energy, has launched proceedings aimed at strengthening the country’s position in ongoing international arbitration. Astana is seeking roughly $15 million plus interest from several companies and individuals accused of corruption in projects managed by subsidiaries of Italy’s Eni. The Swiss case centers on evidence already presented in courts in the U.S. and Italy, which Kazakhstan aims to use to prove allegations of bribery in arbitration hearings. Documents submitted by Kazakhstan to a U.S. court claim that contractors providing services to Eni implemented an “illegal scheme” to secure inflated contracts. One such contract was allegedly amended eleven times, with its value rising from $88 million to more than $490 million. While several contractors were convicted by an Italian court in 2017, no Eni employees were found guilty. Kazakh journalist Oleg Chervinsky, known for his coverage of the oil and gas sector, has highlighted that Kazakhstan is requesting the Swiss court to look into Maksat Idenov, a former first vice president of KazMunayGas, who led negotiations with Kashagan project partners between 2007 and 2008. Chervinsky recalls a dramatic episode in 2010, when Idenov resigned from KazMunayGas via a letter sent from abroad using DHL. He subsequently took a senior role at Eni. A U.S. court has approved his questioning for use in the Swiss proceedings, and his representative says he has already testified. “New revelations await us!” Chervinsky asserted. That confidence may be justified. A glance at Idenov’s career reveals his central role in Kazakhstan’s energy sector since 1992, when he began as chief legal counsel at the state holding MunaiGas. In 1993, he became assistant to the Minister of Oil and Gas Industry, and by 1995, he was serving as deputy head of the Energy Department for Europe and Central Asia at the International Bank for Reconstruction in Washington, D.C. He returned to Kazakhstan in 1999 as an advisor to then-President Nursultan Nazarbayev on Caspian energy and oil and gas export pipelines. In that role, he worked on the legal status of the Caspian Sea and other strategic projects. Idenov joined Shell in 2004 as regional vice president for strategic and commercial development in the Middle East, South Asia, and the Caspian region. In 2007, he became the first vice president of KazMunayGas. Three years later, in July 2010, he was appointed senior vice president for strategic planning at Eni. During his time at KazMunayGas, Idenov appeared in U.S. embassy cables later released by WikiLeaks. In one, he reportedly told the U.S. ambassador during a private dinner that the four most influential figures around President Nazarbayev were the Presidential Chief of Staff, Sarybay Kalmurzaev, Head of the Presidential Administration, Aslan Musin, State Secretary and Foreign Minister, Kanat Saudabayev, and the tandem of Prime Minister Karim Massimov and Nazarbayev’s son-in-law, billionaire Timur Kulibayev. Another cable described the rationale for Idenov’s appointment as lead negotiator on...

7 months ago

Between Trump and Putin: Tokayev Emerges as a Regional Diplomatic Powerbroker

In a striking display of diplomatic balancing, Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev ended 2025 with a high-profile state visit to Moscow, where he and Russian President Vladimir Putin signed a declaration elevating bilateral relations to a comprehensive strategic partnership and alliance. The visit came just days after Tokayev returned from Washington, where he participated in a summit with U.S. President Donald Trump, and the September meeting with Xi Jinping in Tianjin. Back-to-back high-level diplomatic engagements have underscored Tokayev’s rising stature as a regional statesman navigating the complex geopolitical landscape between Russia and the West, representing a somewhat diplomatic ‘hat trick’ for the Kazakh leader. Kazakhstan’s multi-vector foreign policy has long sought to maintain balanced relations with Russia, China, the United States, and Europe. This approach allows Astana to position itself as a neutral and pragmatic actor even during periods of geopolitical tension, and explains why Tokayev is one of the few leaders trusted by both Washington and Moscow. Amid speculation in global media about Kazakhstan’s accession to the Abraham Accords, Tokayev’s stop in Moscow has drawn attention not only for its symbolism but also for its possible behind-the-scenes diplomacy. Kazakhstan’s agreement to sign the Abraham Accords has generated considerable discussion within diplomatic circles. For Washington, Astana’s endorsement signals alignment with U.S. regional objectives in the Middle East, while for Russia, it raised questions about Kazakhstan’s strategic leanings, making Tokayev’s immediate trip to Moscow particularly important. No Central Asian state had previously moved to formally support a U.S.-brokered Middle Eastern diplomatic framework, making Kazakhstan’s position especially noteworthy. A Private Conversation at the Kremlin Russian political analyst Arkady Dubnov highlighted the significance of an informal, private meeting between Tokayev and Putin ahead of their official talks. “The presidents exchanged brief greetings, and then Putin invited his guest to his Kremlin apartment for a private conversation,” Dubnov noted. Tokayev later confirmed that the tête-à-tête lasted over two-and-a-half hours. Dubnov suggested that such discretion may point to confidential messages being relayed. He cited recent remarks by Finnish President Alexander Stubb, who visited Astana shortly before Tokayev’s Washington trip. Stubb reportedly said that Tokayev could serve as a conduit for communication between Trump and the Kremlin. Before this, only Chinese President Xi Jinping had been granted such extended privacy with Putin, Dubnov emphasized. Tokayev is one of the few leaders who has maintained uninterrupted working relationships with both Western capitals and Moscow throughout recent years. His neutral stance on the Ukraine conflict, refusal to recognize breakaway territories, and active participation in U.S.-backed initiatives - combined with Kazakhstan’s deep economic and security links with Russia - place Tokayev in a uniquely credible position. Neither side views him as fully aligned with the other, which increases his utility as a channel for sensitive political messaging. Kazakhstan as a Strategic Messenger? Kazakh political analyst Andrei Chebotarev also underscored the potential geopolitical significance of the Tokayev-Putin meeting. “Most likely, the Russian president was interested in the details of his Kazakh counterpart's recent visit to the U.S. and his talks with...

7 months ago

Tokayev in Moscow: Balancing Friendship and Strategy

Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev begins a state visit to Russia in Moscow today, accompanied by a carefully calibrated message of diplomatic continuity. Ahead of his arrival, Tokayev published an article in Rossiyskaya Gazeta affirming Kazakhstan’s “eternal friendship” with Russia, a phrase that has become standard in bilateral rhetoric. While much of the piece reiterates familiar themes of cooperation in energy, trade, and culture, a few notable elements suggest deeper strategic positioning. From the outset, Tokayev appeared intent on striking a personal chord with Vladimir Putin. Mirroring the Russian president’s preference for historical framing, he wrote: “Our peoples have lived side by side for centuries, sharing joys and trials, and together creating a single cultural space in Eurasia. We are united by a common perception of traditional values, similar views on current issues of modern life, and joint work to ensure the well-being of our brotherly peoples.” The Kazakh leader also offered high praise for Putin’s leadership, describing bilateral ties as “mature and stable” and built on “deep trust, respect, and equality.” “All achievements in bilateral cooperation are inextricably linked to the energetic and productive efforts of President Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin,” Tokayev wrote. “In Kazakhstan, he enjoys unwavering respect as a statesman of global stature, and his name is on the lips of politicians and ordinary people in virtually every country in the world.” The visit’s key moment will be the signing of a Declaration elevating Kazakhstan-Russia ties to a “comprehensive strategic partnership and alliance”, a step Tokayev described as ushering in “a new era in bilateral relations.” More intriguing, however, was Tokayev’s commentary on Russia’s global standing, wherein Tokayev referenced recent high-level talks with Chinese President Xi Jinping, U.S. President Donald Trump, and leaders across Europe, Asia, and Africa. “Although many of them are at opposite ends of the geopolitical spectrum, they all recognize the exceptional role of Russia and its leader in resolving key issues in international relations. In other words, it is impossible to overcome the contradictions of the modern world without Moscow's participation,” he stated. While Tokayev has previously dismissed the idea of Kazakhstan acting as a mediator in the Russia-Ukraine conflict, his recent statements suggest Astana may be prepared to play a supporting role in future dialogue. “Kazakhstan is not a mediator in the military conflict between Russia and Ukraine and does not see itself as such,” he said last month. “In my opinion, both sides are capable of conducting dialogue on all contentious issues on a bilateral basis and at different levels. I have always believed and publicly stated that the ‘Ukrainian crisis’ is extremely complex and cannot be simplified.” Nonetheless, Tokayev offered practical insights into what a negotiation process would require, stressing the importance of expert-level preparation and dismissing the idea of hastily organized summits without a ceasefire or clear agenda as “unrealistic.” “If the leaders of Russia and Ukraine are willing to come to Kazakhstan, we will provide all the necessary services to ensure the success of the negotiations,” Tokayev added. He reaffirmed...

8 months ago

The Illusion of Chinese Investment in Kazakhstan

Concerns about how Chinese businesses operate abroad — and the challenges already confronting Kazakhstani entrepreneurs — have resurfaced following a recent letter to the prime minister from an association of oil service companies reporting price dumping. Despite these developments, Kazakhstani experts remain hesitant to discuss the negative effects of China’s growing influence in the country’s real economy. Technological Dependence The reluctance is unsurprising. Astana’s official policy seeks broad rapprochement with Beijing, spanning economic, political, and cultural spheres. Given the power imbalance, Kazakhstan avoids public statements that might offend its wealthier partner, particularly in the media, which China monitors closely. As a result, the recent complaint by the PetroCouncil — an oil and gas association representing more than 150 domestic service companies — about dumping by foreign, mainly Chinese, firms has been met with silence from local experts. In a letter addressed to Prime Minister Olzhas Bektenov, the PetroCouncil warned that foreign firms, particularly from China, have been offering services to major Kazakhstani enterprises at prices 60–70% below market value. This, they argue, is forcing out local businesses, reducing Kazakhstani content, eroding tax revenue and employment, diminishing engineering expertise, and threatening industrial safety. We asked PetroCouncil Managing Director Daniel Zholdybaev why foreign companies have come to dominate Kazakhstan’s oil and gas sector and whether the competence of local personnel or service providers is a factor. According to Zholdybaev, the dominance is rooted in how foreign operators first entered Kazakhstan’s market: by bringing their own technologies. This created long-term dependency not only on their expertise but also on foreign suppliers. “Chevron, for instance, maintains a vetted list of approved suppliers, and wherever the company operates, it only works with those on that list,” Zholdybaev explained. While Kazakhstan continues to develop domestic manufacturing capabilities, local firms are still barred from participating in high-risk operations such as work on wells with extreme pressure or temperature conditions. Zholdybaev noted that Kazakhstan’s three major fields — Tengiz, Karachaganak, and Kashagan — account for 90 percent of oil and gas imports. The operators of these projects are mainly Western companies. Russia, due to international sanctions, plays only a marginal role in procurement despite maintaining a presence in Kazakhstan. However, it is Chinese companies, actively welcomed by the state, that have introduced the issue of price dumping. Chinese firms operating in Kazakhstan’s oil and gas industry maintain closed procurement systems, sourcing goods and services almost exclusively from Chinese suppliers. As a result, Chinese investment brings minimal benefit to Kazakhstan’s economy. Even construction contracts often return to China. Russian observers, typically sensitive to Central Asia’s dealings with China and the United States, have also remained largely silent on this issue. A rare exception was political analyst Yuri Baranchik, who posted a sharply critical comment on his Telegram channel: “This is a clear example of what happens when Chinese companies are allowed full access to the domestic market,” he wrote. “They dump prices to bankrupt local businesses, monopolize the sector, and then dictate terms. Now the Kazakh government must figure...

8 months ago

Tokayev Secures $17B in U.S. Deals, Trump Hints at Kazakhstan Visit

The summit between the leaders of the United States and the five countries of Central Asia was the primary focus of Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev’s visit to Washington. But even before the summit began, the Kazakh delegation secured a series of high-level meetings with U.S. political leaders and business executives, culminating in the signing of 29 bilateral agreements, valued at approximately $17 billion. Tokayev’s program in Washington began with meetings with Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Secretary of Commerce Howard Lutnick, and U.S. Special Representative for South and Central Asia Sergio Gor. Kazakhstan, Tokayev noted, maintains active political ties with the United States at multiple levels, and remains committed to a constructive dialogue to deepen its multifaceted cooperation with Washington. During the meeting, Kazakhstan and the United States signed a memorandum of understanding on cooperation in the field of critical minerals. The document was signed by Kazakhstan’s Minister of Industry and Construction, Yersayin Nagaspayev, and U.S. Secretary of Commerce Howard Lutnick. The agreement took immediate shape: Tau-Ken Samruk, a subsidiary of the sovereign wealth fund Samruk-Kazyna, and U.S. based Cove Capital agreed to jointly develop tungsten deposits in Kazakhstan’s Karaganda region. The investment is expected to total around $1.1 billion. Preparatory work on a final feasibility study for one of the projects is already underway. Kazakhstan’s tungsten reserves, estimated at 410,000 tons, are among the largest in the world. Tokayev later met with U.S. Representatives Jimmy Panetta, Carol Miller, Bill Huizenga, and Sydney Kamlager-Dove. Tokayev highlighted the role of the U.S. - Kazakhstan Friendship Group, chaired by Panetta, in deepening political dialogue, boosting economic ties, and strengthening bilateral relations. During the meeting, it was noted that the U.S. is one of Kazakhstan’s largest economic partners, accounting for $100 billion in cumulative investment, roughly 80% of all investment in Central Asia. Tokayev invited U.S. lawmakers to visit Kazakhstan to foster further cooperation. A similar invitation was extended to Senator Steve Daines, whom Tokayev described as “a true friend of Kazakhstan.” The senator is set to receive the Order of Dostyk (Friendship), First Class, for his contributions to bilateral relations. The Kazakh president also met with Chevron Chair and CEO Michael Wirth and Chaboy Leiko, President for the CIS and Central Asia at John Deere. Tokayev praised Chevron’s long-standing role in Kazakhstan’s oil and gas sector, including its projects at the Tengiz and Karachaganak fields. He confirmed Kazakhstan’s commitment to ongoing cooperation. John Deere was also lauded for its decision to localize production of agricultural machinery through a partnership with AgromashHolding KZ. Since production began in May, over 290 units have been assembled, with another 100 expected by year’s end. John Deere has signed a $2.5 billion strategic partnership agreement with Kazakhstan to produce at least 3,000 agricultural machines over five years. The agreement includes plans to establish at least three service centers and develop a workforce training system. Separately, Kazakhstan’s national carrier, Air Astana, signed a contract with Boeing for the purchase of up to 15 Boeing 787-9 Dreamliner aircraft. According...

8 months ago

U.S. Envoys Hail Stronger Kazakhstan Partnership Ahead of C5+1 Summit

On October 29, Unites States Special Envoy for South and Central Asia Sergio Gor and Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau concluded their visit to Kazakhstan ahead of the upcoming C5+1 summit in Washington. During their trip, the U.S. envoys met with President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev and held discussions with representatives of Kazakhstan’s government and business community, which they described as highly productive. “We are concluding a memorable trip to Kazakhstan in the beautiful capital, Astana, which did not even exist 30 years ago and now boasts a population of more than 1.5 million,” Landau posted on social media. He also stated that bilateral relations between the U.S. and Kazakhstan “have never been so strong” and expressed gratitude for the hospitality.  Gor and Landau held talks with Prime Minister Olzhas Bektenov and key cabinet members, including Minister of Trade and Integration Arman Shakkaliev, Minister of Energy Yerlan Akkenzhenov, Minister of Transport Nurlan Sauranbayev, and Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of National Economy Serik Zhumangarin, to discuss Kazakhstan’s economic priorities and areas for expanding bilateral cooperation. According to the Kazakh government, the talks focused on expanding trade and investment cooperation between the two countries. Priority areas included transport and logistics, energy, agriculture, the digital economy, and artificial intelligence. During their visit, the U.S. envoys also met with Deputy Prime Minister Murat Nurtleu, who reaffirmed Kazakhstan’s readiness to cooperate on sustainable development and energy security. The meetings demonstrated Kazakhstan’s active engagement with the United States in the lead-up to the upcoming Central Asia–U.S. summit. Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of National Economy Serik Zhumangarin, who highlighted Kazakhstan’s economic strengths during talks with Gor and Landau, had recently returned from a high-level visit to the United States. His delegation, which included Deputy Head of the Presidential Administration Erbolat Dossaev and Chairperson of the Agency for Regulation and Development of the Financial Market Madina Abylkasymova, held meetings in New York and Washington with American business leaders and members of Congress. During the visit, the Kazakh delegation presented the country’s economic growth strategy, highlighted ongoing GDP expansion, and discussed the potential listing of government securities on the New York Stock Exchange. They also raised the possible repeal of the Jackson–Vanik Amendment, a long-standing priority for Kazakhstan’s diplomatic agenda. Against this backdrop, the White House’s decision to convene a summit between President Donald Trump and the leaders of the Central Asian republics may partly reflect Kazakhstan’s sustained diplomatic outreach. In that context, Gor and Landau’s remarks of appreciation as they departed Astana underscored recognition of Kazakhstan’s role in shaping this evolving partnership.

8 months ago

Rare Earth Diplomacy: Critical Minerals Set to Top Agenda at C5+1 Summit

The announcement of an upcoming C5+1 summit in Washington between the United States and the Central Asian republics has taken much of the regional and U.S. political establishment by surprise. A swift visit by U.S. Special Envoy for South and Central Asia Sergio Gor and Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau to Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan was seemingly necessary to coordinate the summit’s agenda. Notably, Kazakhstan appears prepared to play a leading role on one of the summit’s most pressing issues. The summit, scheduled for November 6 in Washington, was first revealed through media channels before being confirmed through official correspondence between Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev and U.S. President Donald Trump. Uzbek media later confirmed the meeting, citing sources within the administration of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, and this was followed by Kyrgyzstan's President Sadyr Japarov. It is notable that shortly after Tokayev’s correspondence with Trump became public, the Kazakh president held a phone call with Russian President Vladimir Putin. Officially, the two discussed Tokayev’s upcoming visit to Moscow. This was their second such call in less than two weeks, the previous taking place on October 14. There is speculation that the Washington summit may have been a key topic of discussion. During meetings in Tashkent with Gor and Landau - Uzbekistan being the first stop on their tour - Mirziyoyev reportedly discussed a broad set of topics. However, the issue of “critical materials,” particularly rare earth metals, stood out. It is increasingly clear that rare earths will be a central focus of Trump’s engagement with Central Asian leaders. [caption id="attachment_38242" align="aligncenter" width="1600"] Sergio Gor and Christopher Landau at the Shymbulak ski resort in Almaty; image: Akorda[/caption] Trump has previously drawn attention for high-stakes diplomacy involving rare earth metals, including a controversial deal with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and later discussions with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Anchorage. Most recently, during the first leg of his Asia tour, Trump met with Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi and concluded a rare earth metals agreement, despite the challenges associated with extracting these materials, which are often found underwater. Against this backdrop, Kazakhstan appears well-positioned to take the lead in terms of rare earth elements. President Tokayev first proposed developing rare earth metal deposits in his September 2023 address, “The Economic Course of Fair Kazakhstan.” In 2024, Kazakh geologists identified 38 promising solid mineral deposits, including the Kuyrektykol site in the Karaganda region, which contains substantial reserves. Tokayev returned to the issue in January 2025, during an extended government meeting, criticizing the cabinet for delays and emphasizing Kazakhstan’s untapped potential in rare earth extraction and processing. In April, during the Central Asia-European Union summit, Tokayev met with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, who congratulated him on the discovery of a major deposit in Kazakhstan. The topic also featured at the Central Asia-Italy summit in May, where Tokayev proposed creating a regional research center to consolidate data on rare earth deposits across Central Asia. “The creation of joint ventures, technology transfer, and the localization...

8 months ago