• KZT/USD = 0.00223
  • TJS/USD = 0.10810
  • UZS/USD = 0.00009
  • TMT/USD = 0.29850
  • KZT/USD = 0.00223
  • TJS/USD = 0.10810
  • UZS/USD = 0.00009
  • TMT/USD = 0.29850
  • KZT/USD = 0.00223
  • TJS/USD = 0.10810
  • UZS/USD = 0.00009
  • TMT/USD = 0.29850
  • KZT/USD = 0.00223
  • TJS/USD = 0.10810
  • UZS/USD = 0.00009
  • TMT/USD = 0.29850
  • KZT/USD = 0.00223
  • TJS/USD = 0.10810
  • UZS/USD = 0.00009
  • TMT/USD = 0.29850
  • KZT/USD = 0.00223
  • TJS/USD = 0.10810
  • UZS/USD = 0.00009
  • TMT/USD = 0.29850
  • KZT/USD = 0.00223
  • TJS/USD = 0.10810
  • UZS/USD = 0.00009
  • TMT/USD = 0.29850
  • KZT/USD = 0.00223
  • TJS/USD = 0.10810
  • UZS/USD = 0.00009
  • TMT/USD = 0.29850
23 September 2026

Viewing results 1 - 6 of 23

CPC Reportedly Stops Accepting Kazakh Oil as Storage Tanks Reach Capacity After Tanker Attacks

Citing three industry sources, on July 21 Reuters said the Caspian Pipeline Consortium had stopped accepting crude from Kazakhstan after tanker attacks halted Black Sea loadings. Two of the sources said the terminal's storage tanks were full. CPC has so far declined to comment. The stoppage marks a sharper disruption than the loading suspension announced on July 20. LSEG ship-tracking data showed that at least two tankers due to collect crude changed direction. Chevron owns 15% of CPC, while ExxonMobil is also a shareholder through Mobil Caspian Pipeline Company. Chevron told Reuters that "Chevron continues to monitor the situation at CPC. The safety and security of personnel remain our top priority." ASIA was one of the tankers struck before loadings were suspended. It was hit on July 19 while loading Tengizchevroil crude at the CPC terminal. Following the attack on ASIA, a Chevron spokesperson told The Times of Central Asia: “Chevron is aware of reports of an incident involving a vessel loading at Caspian Pipeline Consortium facilities near Novorossiysk. All crew are safe, and the vessel remains stable. The vessel has been moved to a safe anchorage, and we are coordinating with the ship operator and relevant authorities. There has been no impact to TCO operations or exports. Further questions regarding CPC operations should be directed to CPC.” As of early July 22, no producer had announced new output cuts in response to the CPC halt. The intake stoppage nevertheless removes the main export outlet for crude from Tengiz, Kashagan, and Karachaganak. The 1,510-kilometer pipeline carries oil from western Kazakhstan to the terminal near Novorossiysk. Terminal tanks normally buffer crude flows before tankers load offshore, but once they are full, the system has little room to receive additional oil. A prolonged shutdown could force producers to reduce output. Kazakhstan has not confirmed such reductions. CPC oil supplies fell 7% from May to 1.699 million barrels a day in June. Reuters linked the fall to a late-May accident at Tengiz and lower Russian volumes. The route handles about 80% of Kazakhstan's oil exports and almost 2% of global oil supply. The latest halt followed attacks on four tankers over four days. Nordic Zenith was hit on July 17 while approaching the terminal empty. ASIA and NISSOS IOS were struck on July 19 while loading Kazakh crude. NISSOS IOS was loading crude from Kashagan B.V. and Maten. Loadings briefly resumed that evening. A drone then struck NELSA at SPM-1 on July 20. A fire broke out on deck and in several compartments. CPC evacuated 20 of the ship's 22 crew members by tugboat, while the captain and chief officer remained aboard. The tanker stayed afloat; no casualties or oil spill were recorded, and the crude in its cargo tanks did not ignite. The NELSA was carrying Russian Urals crude, according to S&P Global shipping data. CPC then suspended oil loading. Kazakhstan's Energy Ministry said it remained in contact with the consortium while specialists assessed the vessel and the consequences of the strike....

When the War Reaches Kazakh Oil

Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine unleashed the war now expanding across the Black Sea, but it did not erase the distinction between Russian military logistics and the lawful commerce of other states. Kazakhstan is not a party to the war, yet its principal oil export route passes through an expanding maritime target zone. The attacks near the Caspian Pipeline Consortium terminal therefore raise a larger question: can civilian trade carrying Kazakh crude be treated as part of Russia’s war economy simply because geography places its outlet on the Russian coast? Four vessels were attacked near CPC’s Black Sea terminal on July 17, 19, and 20. Nordic Zenith, chartered by ExxonMobil according to Reuters, was empty and approaching the terminal when it was hit on July 17. Two days later, ASIA and NISSOS IOS were struck at single-point moorings off Novorossiysk while loading Kazakhstan-produced oil. ASIA was taking Tengizchevroil (TCO) crude; NISSOS IOS was loading oil from Kashagan B.V. and Maten. A fire on ASIA was extinguished; no one was injured, both vessels remained afloat, and no oil entered the sea. Chevron told The Times of Central Asia that the crew was safe, the vessel was stable, and there had been “no impact to TCO operations or exports.” Loading briefly resumed that evening, but on July 20 a drone struck NELSA while it was loading at SPM-1. The impact on the tanker’s starboard side caused a fire on deck and in several compartments. Its 22-member international crew was evacuated except for the captain and chief officer; the vessel remained afloat, the fire was extinguished, and no oil spill occurred. CPC suspended loadings again. Ukraine’s General Staff said separately that its forces had struck two tankers used to transport Russian oil, petroleum products, and fuel for the Russian military in the Black Sea. It did not identify the vessels or connect the claim to the attacks at the CPC terminal. Russia’s Foreign Ministry blamed Kyiv, while CPC itself did not publicly attribute the attacks. Astana’s response to the attacks has remained measured and legalistic. The Foreign Ministry called the attacks an infringement on Kazakhstan’s economic interests and a threat to lawful international trade. It said an agreed mechanism for sharing information on civilian vessels entering the Black Sea to load CPC oil had been disregarded, endangering crews. It reserved Kazakhstan’s right to seek compensation under international law. Following the strike on NELSA, the Energy Ministry said it remained in constant contact with CPC while the tanker’s technical condition and the consequences of the attack were assessed. The statements focused on Kazakhstan’s rights. That is the distinction Astana is asserting: Kazakh cargoes, revenues, crews, and commercial partners should not be treated as extensions of Russia’s war economy merely because they use a terminal on Russian territory. Kazakh Crude and the Western Stake Russia’s invasion created the maritime battlefield in which these incidents occurred, and Ukraine has a legitimate interest in weakening the military logistics that sustain Russia’s campaign. But Kazakhstan is not Russia,...

Kazakhstan’s Main Oil Route Remains Vulnerable. It Is Expanding Alternatives

Kazakhstan’s prosperity has been built largely on oil, much of which still reaches world markets through infrastructure crossing Russian territory. That would be a strategic exposure for any country; for a landlocked state bordering Russia during the largest war in Europe since 1945, it is impossible to ignore. The Caspian Pipeline Consortium route to the Black Sea remains Kazakhstan’s most important oil artery, carrying about 80% of its crude exports. Three tankers were struck near the terminal on July 17 and 19, two while loading Kazakh oil. Loadings briefly resumed before a fourth tanker, NELSA, was hit on July 20, forcing another suspension. No casualties or oil spill were reported, but the attacks repeatedly interrupted Kazakhstan’s main export route. Kazakhstan treated the attacks as a direct threat to its own economic interests, not as an incident confined to Russia. Its Foreign Ministry condemned the July 17 and 19 strikes as unacceptable, said an agreed mechanism for sharing information about civilian vessels entering the Black Sea to load CPC oil had been disregarded, and demanded an immediate halt. Ukraine’s General Staff said it had struck two tankers overnight on July 19 as part of its campaign against Russian oil and military-fuel logistics, but did not identify them. CPC said the vessels at its terminal were loading Kazakh crude. The episode exposed Kazakhstan’s dependence on infrastructure beyond its control. That exposure reflects geography and inherited infrastructure, not Kazakhstan’s foreign policy alignment. It is a serious strategic vulnerability that Astana is trying to reduce. Kazakhstan did not choose its geography, and its export system was not designed for the rupture that followed Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. It is the world’s largest landlocked country, bordered by Russia and China, and sits on the Middle Corridor linking China and Central Asia with the South Caucasus and Europe. No government in Astana can alter those facts. The relevant question is how it has responded to them. Under President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, Kazakhstan remains highly exposed to oil, but it is not an oil economy standing still. KAZENERGY’s 2023 National Energy Report put the hydrocarbon sector at about 23% of GDP in 2019 and about 20% in 2022. Kazakhstan’s Bureau of National Statistics put the oil and gas sector at 16.3% of GDP in 2024. The series are not directly comparable, but both indicate that hydrocarbons remain central even as non-oil sectors expand. Oil dependence has not disappeared. UNCTAD notes that oil exports still account for more than half of total exports and remain central to foreign exchange earnings and public finances. Kazakhstan has made more progress in reducing oil’s share of GDP than its weight in exports and state revenue. Any serious assessment has to account for both. Kazakhstan’s position on Ukraine also needs to be judged in context. Binary judgments obscure the constraints facing a country that shares a long border, trade channels, energy infrastructure and significant security exposure with Russia. Kazakhstan has not recognized Russia’s attempted annexations. In 2022, its Foreign Ministry said it would...

Kazakhstan Condemns Drone Attacks as CPC Oil Loadings Halt

Oil loadings at the Caspian Pipeline Consortium’s Black Sea terminal have been suspended again after a fourth tanker was struck by a drone on July 20. The NELSA was loading at single-point mooring SPM-1 when the drone hit the stern on its starboard side, between the superstructure and engine compartment. A fire broke out on the deck and inside the vessel but was extinguished after several hours. CPC said 22 crew members were evacuated aboard its tugboats, while the captain and chief officer remained on the tanker. NELSA stayed afloat. No oil spill occurred, and the crude in its cargo tanks did not ignite. Loading had resumed briefly on the evening of July 19 before the latest attack forced another suspension. Kazakhstan had previously condemned drone attacks on three tankers near the Caspian Pipeline Consortium’s Black Sea terminal on July 17 and 19, two of which were hit while loading Kazakh oil. The Liberia-flagged ASIA and the Marshall Islands-flagged NISSOS IOS were attacked at single-point moorings SPM-1 and SPM-3 near Novorossiysk. ASIA was loading Tengizchevroil crude. The Marshall Islands-flagged NISSOS IOS was loading oil from Kashagan B.V. and Maten. A fire broke out on ASIA and was extinguished with CPC emergency support. No crew members, CPC employees, or contractors were injured. Both tankers remained afloat, no oil entered the sea, and the moorings were not damaged. Loading was suspended while specialists assessed the damage. Following the attack on ASIA, a spokesperson for Chevron, whose Tengizchevroil crude was being loaded onto the vessel, told TCA: “Chevron is aware of reports of an incident involving a vessel loading at Caspian Pipeline Consortium (CPC) facilities near Novorossiysk. All crew are safe, and the vessel remains stable. The vessel has been moved to a safe anchorage, and we are coordinating with the ship operator and relevant authorities. There has been no impact to TCO operations or exports. Further questions regarding CPC operations should be directed to CPC.” The Kazakh Foreign Ministry described the strikes as an unacceptable infringement on Kazakhstan’s economic interests and a deliberate attempt to disrupt lawful international trade. “Kazakhstan demands an immediate halt to these attacks,” the ministry stated. The ministry said an agreed system for sharing information on civilian vessels entering the Black Sea to load CPC oil had been deliberately ignored. It said the failure endangered crews, called for practical security measures, and reserved Kazakhstan’s right to seek full compensation under international law. Ukraine’s General Staff said its forces struck two tankers in the Black Sea overnight on July 19. It said the vessels were used to transport Russian oil, petroleum products, and fuel for Russia’s armed forces. The post did not name the tankers. CPC said both ships at its terminal were loading oil produced in Kazakhstan and did not publicly identify the attacker. The July 19 incident followed an attack on Nordic Zenith on July 17. The Suezmax tanker was empty and approaching the terminal when two drones hit it. The crew extinguished a fire. Nearby CPC...

Opinion: Kazakhstan, Oil, the Iran War and Dutch Disease

In 1977, The Economist coined a new term for the (potential) negative consequences of a short-term boom in natural resources: “Dutch disease.” The phenomenon got its name from an analysis of the decline of the manufacturing sector in the Netherlands following the 1960s natural gas discoveries at Groningen, in the northeastern Netherlands. The theory was that a surge in the price of a natural resource like oil or gas would likely cause currency appreciation, making imports cheaper and other sectors, like manufacturing, less competitive. Whether the recent spike in oil prices will contribute to Dutch disease in oil-rich Kazakhstan will likely depend on the length of the Iran war’s effect on oil prices (which could last well beyond the end of the conflict itself) and the government’s stewardship of Kazakhstan’s economy. President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev deserves credit for the government’s efforts to diversify the national economy. Investing in the nation’s manufacturing base, especially SMEs, educating the Kazakh workforce, and improving healthcare are all helping broaden the Kazakh economy and reduce the country’s dependence on oil. But oil is the main driver of Kazakhstan’s wealth, and while other sectors are increasing their share of Kazakhstan’s economy, oil and the wider extractive sector remain central to public finances, accounting for over 40% of government revenues. So, let’s do a deep dive on Kazakhstan’s oil. Most of Kazakhstan’s oil comes from the west of the country, including the Tengiz field near the Caspian Sea and the offshore Kashagan field in the northern Caspian. The Tengiz oil field is one of the deepest and largest oil fields in the world, while Kashagan, an offshore deposit, ranks as one of the largest global oil discoveries since the 1960s. Kazakhstan’s main export blend, CPC Blend, is a light, sweet crude, a desirable oil type that’s easy to refine into gasoline and diesel. Because the Iran war and restrictions around the Strait of Hormuz have disrupted tanker traffic and raised fears of supply shortages, global oil prices have climbed. And while high oil prices are generally a net positive for Kazakhstan, the current price - Brent crude was trading above $100 per barrel in mid-May 2026 - could present problems. In the short term, high oil prices tend to boost government revenues and budget surpluses. They can increase inflows to Kazakhstan’s National Fund, depending on production, tax receipts, transfers, and government withdrawal policy, and provide resources for government spending on infrastructure and social programs. They can also stimulate demand in related sectors, boosting Kazakhstan’s oil-related industries. And since oil exports typically make up more than half of the nation’s export revenues, high oil prices generally lead to a rise in Kazakhstan’s GDP. So far, so good. But high oil prices also carry risks. For one thing, they can strengthen the tenge and add to domestic demand, especially if higher revenues feed into faster government spending. Which is where Dutch disease comes in. As the stronger currency makes non-oil exports less competitive, capital and labor shift toward the energy...

Drone Strikes on Russian Baltic Ports Raise Risks for Kazakhstan’s Oil Exports

Drone attacks on Russian Baltic ports have heightened concerns about potential risks to Kazakhstan’s oil export routes. Ukrainian drone strikes targeted the ports of Primorsk and Ust-Luga in Russia’s Leningrad Oblast earlier this week, disrupting operations at both major oil export hubs. Primorsk has an estimated capacity of around one million barrels of crude oil and approximately 300,000 barrels of diesel fuel per day. Large fuel storage facilities are also located at both ports. Further strikes were reported on March 25, when drones again targeted both ports. Media reports indicated that shipments of oil and petroleum products were suspended, and that fires broke out at Ust-Luga. As of March 26, loadings at both ports were reportedly still suspended following the latest strikes, with no confirmed return to normal operations. Kazakhstan has increasingly used Baltic routes for part of its oil exports following periodic disruptions to the Caspian Pipeline Consortium (CPC) system. Commenting on the situation, Kazakh oil and gas journalist Oleg Chervinsky said that the port of Ust-Luga has been used to export Kazakh crude marketed under the KEBCO brand, with volumes rising after earlier challenges affecting CPC shipments. Kazakhstan’s national pipeline operator, KazTransOil, transports crude through Russian pipeline infrastructure under agreements with Russia’s Transneft. From there, oil can be delivered to Germany, shipped via Baltic ports such as Ust-Luga, or exported through Black Sea terminals, including Novorossiysk, which has also been targeted by drone attacks in the past year. According to open-source intelligence analysts cited in international media, energy infrastructure in the Ust-Luga industrial zone, including facilities linked to NOVATEK’s gas processing complex, was affected by the latest strike. The Ust-Luga site is located roughly 850 kilometres from the Ukrainian border. A similar attack on infrastructure in the Ust-Luga area was reported in August 2025. At that time, Kazakhstan’s Ministry of Energy stated that Kazakh oil exports had not been affected. As of March 26, the ministry had not publicly commented on the latest incidents. Officials have previously emphasized the importance of diversifying export routes amid geopolitical risks and infrastructure disruptions.