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Social Media

Tajikistan Debates Social Media Ban for Children Under 14

A controversial proposal in Tajikistan to ban social media use for children under the age of 14 has sparked public and expert debate. While many agree that the issue requires urgent attention, critics argue that education, digital literacy, and parental involvement offer more effective solutions than blanket prohibitions. Parliamentary Push for Stricter Controls The initiative was introduced by lawmaker Dilnoza Ahmadzoda in an article in Narodnaya Gazeta. She proposed banning access to social media for children under 14 and requiring written parental consent for adolescents aged 14 to 17. Ahmadzoda pointed out that amendments to the Law on the Protection of Children’s Rights were already passed earlier this year, targeting false and harmful content. However, she contends that these changes do not go far enough. “It is necessary to introduce further changes to ensure that children’s and teenagers’ use of social media is under control,” Ahmadzoda said. Expert Concerns: "A Ban Is Not the Solution" Experts caution that an outright ban may do more harm than good. Media literacy specialist Rustam Gulov warned that prohibitions often increase curiosity and drive youth online behavior underground. “A ban is not the solution. If you forbid it, interest will only grow, and young people will find ways to hide their activity. Such measures push them backward in terms of technological development. Control is more effective,” Gulov said. He noted that while platforms already impose age restrictions, children frequently bypass them using false birthdates or by accessing accounts through their parents’ devices. Gulov recommended closer collaboration with companies such as Meta to establish more effective content controls. He also advocated for the inclusion of media literacy education in school programs. “Children should learn from an early age how to use the internet and social networks responsibly and how to distinguish false or harmful information,” he said. Another major concern, according to Gulov, is the lack of quality digital content in literary Tajik. As a result, many young users switch to Russian-language platforms. “Social networks can serve as an educational tool, if there is enough quality content in Tajik,” he added. Public Opinion in Dushanbe Reactions among residents of the capital are mixed. Some favor tight restrictions, while others emphasize the potential benefits of social media in education and personal development. Psychologist Nigina Mamadjonova opposes a complete ban but underscores the importance of parental responsibility. “This is primarily the responsibility of parents. Unfortunately, most of them do not take it seriously,” she said. Mamadjonova criticized the widespread practice of giving smartphones to children “for quick peace and quiet” without supervising their activity. She warned that this leaves children vulnerable to cyberbullying, manipulation, and online predators. She also argued that preschoolers should not use phones at all, as screen time isolates them from physical activity and social interaction. For older children, she supports promoting digital literacy and steering them toward constructive online content. Mixed Results Abroad Other countries have implemented similar restrictions with varying degrees of success. In Australia, minors under 16 are prohibited from using platforms...

Social Media

Tajikistan May Revisit Sentences for Social Media ‘Likes’ and Comments

Tajikistan may review criminal cases in which individuals were convicted solely for “likes” and other digital interactions on social media. This was announced on August 7 by Rustam Mirzozoda, Chairman of the Supreme Court of Tajikistan. Possibility of Sentence Review According to Mirzozoda, existing legislation permits the review of such cases, though most convictions to date have been based on additional charges. “If the sentence was handed down solely on the basis of ‘likes and reposts,’ the courts are ready to review such decisions,” Mirzozoda stated. He added that no appeals have yet been filed with Tajikistan's courts on this issue, and no cases have been reviewed. Navruz Odinaev, founder of the Khimoya law firm, previously explained to Asia-Plus that the Criminal Code allows for retroactive application of laws if they reduce penalties or decriminalize offenses. This means that recent amendments may apply not only to future prosecutions but also to previously issued sentences. Origins of the “Like Law” In 2018, amendments to Article 179 of the Criminal Code introduced penalties for public calls for terrorist activity and the justification of terrorism, including online actions. These changes allowed likes, reposts, and comments on extremist content to be treated as evidence of criminal involvement. Convictions under this article carried sentences ranging from 5 to 15 years. Similar amendments to Article 307 (“Public calls for extremism”) imposed prison terms of 3 to 12 years. President Rahmon’s Reversal In October 2024, President Emomali Rahmon publicly condemned the prosecution of individuals for social media interactions, describing the practice as excessive and misguided. “Recently, the authorities have considered the fact that some citizens like shared materials and videos on social media as evidence, which has caused them enormous difficulties,” Rahmon stated. “In other words, some authorities are unjustifiably bringing criminal cases against them, and these actions must be stopped.” His comments came amid growing scrutiny of citizens for engaging with content posted by religious or opposition figures. On May 14, 2025, Rahmon signed legislation decriminalizing digital reactions on social media, even those related to content previously deemed extremist or a threat to public order. What Prompted the Shift? According to Deputy Prosecutor General Umed Karimzoda, more than 1,500 people were imprisoned in 2024 for social media activity deemed extremist. Lawyer Ranjet Yatimov attributes the president’s policy reversal to several factors. He notes that prosecutions for digital expression have damaged Tajikistan’s international reputation, especially given its membership in global human rights organizations. Domestically, the increase in such cases has fueled public dissatisfaction and eroded trust in law enforcement. Legal ambiguities also played a role, as vague statutory language enabled selective enforcement, prompting urgent legislative reform.

Society

In Tajikistan, Tradition Defines the Ideal Bride in a Changing World

In Tajikistan, the image of the “ideal bride” is shaped not only by character but by deep-rooted societal expectations. While wedding customs vary across Central Asia, they are united by traditional values that place a high premium on modesty, obedience, and domestic skill—qualities that can determine a woman’s future prospects in marriage. Restraint in All Things In traditional Tajik households, modesty is synonymous with decency. Future mothers-in-law scrutinise prospective brides for soft-spoken voices, humble body language, and conservative attire. In some homes, daughters-in-law are expected not to make direct eye contact with their parents-in-law—considered a mark of humility. Clothing is another marker. Revealing outfits like shorts or miniskirts are widely viewed as signs of frivolity and can irreparably damage a girl's reputation. Respect for elders is paramount. During the matchmaking process, the groom’s family pays close attention to whether a girl rises when elders enter the room, places her hand over her heart in greeting, and avoids using first names. A “well-raised” kelinka is also expected to manage the home without protest—never challenging her husband or his family, and always deferring to elder relatives. Cooking, especially traditional dishes like pilaf, cleaning, and hospitality are seen as baseline qualifications for marriage. Chastity as a Social Standard Virginity remains a critical factor in bride selection. Although the Tajik Ministry of Health does not officially require it, virginity testing remains widespread. A joint statement from the UN and WHO has condemned these tests as “humiliating, traumatic, and medically unnecessary.” In Tajik culture, premarital sex is widely considered a dishonour to the family. Some households even prohibit young women from grooming practices like eyebrow plucking until marriage, believing these are reserved for wives only. Age Expectations and Digital Matchmaking Efforts to arrange marriages can begin as early as a girl’s 18th birthday. In conservative communities, being unmarried by 30 may carry social stigma. However, this does not always preclude education or employment—many families now see value in educated daughters-in-law. In recent years, digital matchmaking has gained traction. Platforms like Facebook host matchmaking groups where relatives post ads in search of “decent and well-mannered” partners. Girls introducing potential matches often include detailed preferences such as height and eye colour. While the legal marriage age is 18, Tajik courts can authorise marriage at 17 in “exceptional circumstances.” In reality, these exceptions often stem from emotional or economic hardship—such as orphanhood, poverty, or family pressure. A Society in Transition? Despite these enduring customs, signs of change are emerging. Urbanisation, rising education levels, and increased internet access are giving Tajik women new tools to assert choice in their personal lives. NGOs and human rights organisations are pushing for better enforcement of existing protections, and the growing discourse around women’s rights may gradually soften the rigidity of old expectations. While traditions still dominate, a slow cultural shift is underway—one that may eventually reshape what it means to be the “ideal bride” in Tajikistan.

Justice

Tajik Influencer Abduroziq Egamov Reportedly Detained in Dubai on Theft Allegations

Tajik singer and social media personality Abduroziq Egamov was reportedly detained by authorities at Dubai International Airport on July 12, according to the UAE-based Khaleej Times. The 21-year-old influencer's production team confirmed his arrest to the newspaper, though official details remain scarce. Khaleej Times reported that Abduroziq was taken into custody around 5 a.m., shortly after arriving in Dubai from Montenegro. Dubai officials have not disclosed the nature of the charges. “All we can say is that he was detained on suspicion of theft,” a spokesperson for Abduroziq told the publication. However, conflicting accounts have emerged. Speaking to Asia-Plus, Abduroziq’s uncle, Muboraksho Egamov, categorically denied the detention. “All of this is fiction with no basis in reality,” he said. Abduroziq, who holds a UAE golden visa, has lived in Dubai for several years. He rose to fame with a mix of musical performances, viral online videos, and appearances on shows such as Bigg Boss 16. In 2024, he expanded his public profile by launching his restaurant brand, Habibi, in the United Kingdom. Prior Security Concerns and Alleged Financial Theft In June 2025, Abduroziq publicly stated that his social media accounts, Instagram, YouTube, and TikTok, had been hacked. He also reported that all the money in his bank accounts had been withdrawn. The loss was estimated at over $1 million. A police complaint was filed in Dubai. By late June, he managed to regain access to his Instagram account with legal assistance, but the stolen funds had not been recovered.

Media

Turkmen Authorities Order Social Media Campaign to Showcase “Positive Image”

Authorities in Turkmenistan have launched a new initiative aimed at promoting a positive image of the country on social media platforms abroad. The campaign, ordered by the presidential administration in late May, is designed to counter what officials call “foreign centers of ideological subversion”, a term reminiscent of Soviet-era rhetoric used to describe independent media and opposition groups. Scripted Positivity: Who Films What Under the directive, regional administrations have been tasked with producing video content that highlights the country’s “achievements.” Cultural and arts workers are now expected to travel to rural areas to film staged interviews with farmers, gardeners, cotton growers, and artisans. These interviews must portray high living standards, rising incomes, modern amenities, and open support for the country's leadership. Visual presentation is tightly controlled: if a villager’s home is deemed sufficiently presentable, new construction, clean yard, the interview may be conducted there. Otherwise, filming must take place in fields or gardens to ensure an appealing backdrop. Begenchmyrat Orazov, khyakim (local governor) of the Mary region, emphasized that all content must be shot on ordinary mobile phones and without the involvement of professional teams or extra payment. “You get paid,” he reportedly reminded cultural workers during a May 28 meeting with local officials, law enforcement, and agricultural representatives. Millionaires on Paper Participants are instructed to describe their “decent earnings” using the outdated currency system, speaking in millions of old manats, despite the redenomination in 2009 (1 new manat = 5,000 old manats). This approach is intended to suggest inflated incomes to an international audience less familiar with the country's currency history. Cultural workers are encouraged to enhance the content by incorporating traditional songs, musical performances, or recitations of poetry by former president Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov or the revered Turkmen poet Makhtumkuli. A Question of Translation Similar meetings have been held across all regions, and filming is reportedly underway. Villagers are required to submit documentation of completed work to the leadership of their agricultural associations, which must then report daily to district heads (etraps). However, a critical gap remains unresolved: how the video content will reach international viewers. The issue of translation into foreign languages has yet to be addressed. Posting videos exclusively in Turkmen is unlikely to appeal to a global audience. Additionally, many Turkmen migrants, one of the campaign’s implicit targets, are well aware of the country’s internal challenges. Old Tools for a New Image This initiative appears to be a response to increasing criticism from independent Turkmen media and social media platforms, which frequently report on the country’s socio-economic problems and human rights violations. These platforms, widely followed in the diaspora, have become a growing concern for the authorities in Ashgabat. Rather than engaging with the criticism through reform or transparency, the government is opting for a top-down media campaign reminiscent of earlier propaganda models. The focus seems less on improving conditions and more on reshaping perceptions. Whether this strategy will resonate beyond the bureaucratic machinery of the state remains to be seen.

Social Media

Tajikistan Decriminalizes Likes and Other Reactions to Provocative Social Media Posts

Tajik citizens need no longer fear that they will be imprisoned for clicking “like” on social media posts that the Tajik authorities do not like. Among several laws that Tajik President Emomali Rahmon signed on May 14 was one that decriminalized liking posts on social networks that originate from individuals or organizations the Tajik government considers extremist. Crackdown on Social Media In 2018, President Rahmon signed amendments to Article 179 of the Criminal Code, making it a crime to repost, comment favorably on, or like posts that, in the opinion of Tajik authorities, are public calls to commit or justify acts of violence and terrorism. According to that law, those found guilty of liking such posts face up to 15 years in prison. Since the law came into effect, 1,507 Tajik citizens have been imprisoned. The Tajik authorities often have a broad interpretation of what constitutes public calls to commit or justify serious crimes or acts of terrorism, but it usually boils down to comments that are critical of the Tajik government. Weeks after the law was passed, Alijon Sharipov, a resident of the Vakhsh district in Tajikistan’s southern Khatlon Region, was sentenced to 9.5 years in prison for reposting a video of an interview with the leader of the banned Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikistan, Muhiddin Kabiri. In July 2019, Ibrohim Kosimov from the western Tajik city of Panjakent received the same prison sentence for “pushing ‘likes’ and ‘shares’ on the posts belong[ing] to opposition figures.” An activist of the Democratic Party of Tajikistan, Rustam Mamajonov, was sentenced to seven years in prison in June 2021 for reposting a video of Sharofiddin Gadoyev, a leader of the banned organization, Group 24. Mamajonov, who was 59 years old at the time, said he did not know how the video appeared on his Facebook page and the repost was a mistake caused by his poor knowledge of how to use the platform. Tajik political activist Abdullo Shamsiddin was deported from Germany back to Tajikistan in January 2023 and was convicted weeks later in March of sedition and sentenced to seven years in prison. Shamsiddin’s trial was held behind closed doors and it was difficult to obtain details about the case, but apparently, he was convicted for clicking “like” on a social network post, though there is no information about what was in the post. Shamsiddinov’s case shows the social network use of Tajik citizens who are outside Tajikistan is also being monitored by Tajik authorities. A Strange Change of Heart The reasons for the decision to decriminalize “posting a like or other sign on social networks,” as it officially reads in the law Rahmon signed, is unclear. Certainly, rights groups have called on the Tajik authorities to overturn the decision to criminalize likes, comments, or reposts of what to the Tajik government are undesirable posts on social networks. However, for years Tajikistan’s government has ignored appeals from rights organizations, the United Nations, and individual governments over the Tajik authorities’ rights abuses....