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Kazakh Startup Higgsfield AI: From “Unicorn” to Racism and Sexism Scandal

In October 2025, the Kazakh startup Higgsfield AI officially joined the ranks of “unicorns” – companies valued at more than $1 billion. The rapid growth continued: by early 2026, the platform had surpassed 15 million users, and its annual revenue approached $200 million. From the outset, the project targeted the international market. Although its headquarters is registered in San Francisco, Kazakh engineers play a significant role in its development, and the startup is a participant in the Astana Hub program. For many observers, the emergence of the first Kazakh “unicorn” symbolized the country’s transition to a new stage of technological development, attracting the attention of global investors and stimulating the domestic IT sector. However, the company’s rise was soon overshadowed by controversy. By early 2026, Higgsfield found itself at the center of an international scandal. Media reports and social media discussions cited allegations of aggressive advertising, opaque subscription practices, and, more worryingly, promotional content containing racist and sexist messages. Approximately 85% of its users were marketers utilizing the service to create advertising videos, a factor that significantly contributed to its rapid scaling. In Kazakhstan, the development was widely presented as a national achievement. However, questions soon emerged regarding the company’s business practices. Shortly after achieving unicorn status, Higgsfield faced a wave of user complaints, primarily concerning subscriptions and refunds. During major promotional campaigns, including “Black Friday” discounts of up to 65%, reducing the monthly price to $25, customers were promised unlimited access to advanced models. However, many users later reported a sharp decline in video generation speed after payment. According to these accounts, the application became difficult to use without purchasing additional credits, despite advertised “unlimited” access. The company attributed the disruptions to bot attacks, stating that tens of thousands of fake accounts had been blocked, and that approximately $1.35 million had been refunded to legitimate users due to service issues. In December 2024, the situation escalated when users reported widespread account suspensions without prior notice. The peak occurred on December 25-26, when clients with Russian IP addresses were reportedly restricted. Affected users lost not only access to paid services, but also the ability to download previously created content. Initially, the company did not publicly comment. It later stated that the suspensions were linked to suspicious payment activity and anti-bot measures. Additional criticism focused on alleged “dark patterns” in subscription management. Users claimed that payments were processed instantly, while subscription cancellation was difficult or technically inaccessible. On social media platforms, users compiled complaints alleging unfair practices, and warning others about what they described as a problematic business model. Under mounting pressure, Higgsfield reinstated certain accounts and issued refunds. Controversial Marketing: Racism and Sexism Allegations Particular criticism targeted the company’s marketing strategy. In early 2026, reports emerged that Higgsfield’s marketing team had distributed ready-made promotional materials to content creators, including videos that allegedly contained racist and sexually explicit language inserted into the voices of well-known cartoon characters. According to media reports, some clips included racially charged phrases and statements widely perceived...

Social Media

Opinion: Tajikistan Narrows Online Extremism Liability — Debate Intensifies in Uzbekistan

Tajikistan’s Prosecutor General has reported a decrease in terrorist and extremist crimes. Officials attributed the decrease to the easing of penalties for “likes” and shares on the internet, which came into force in early May 2025, when the authorities stated that “liking” certain types of online materials and sharing them on social networks would no longer, in themselves, constitute a criminal offense. From 2018 onward, criminal liability was applied to the distribution, storage, or public endorsement of materials deemed extremist or prohibited. According to human rights groups, more than 1,500 Tajiks were imprisoned under the policy. Following recent changes, however, Prosecutor General Habibullo Vohidov said the number of terrorist and extremist crimes had decreased by more than 23%, by 314, compared to 2024. According to Reuters, the clarification applies to online materials deemed extremist or terrorist in nature; “likes” or shares of such content would no longer automatically trigger criminal liability. The recent changes implemented in Tajikistan have led to heated discussions among the public in Uzbekistan, where liability for online “likes”, posts, and comments continues. International organizations have for years characterized Uzbekistan’s enforcement of online speech provisions as a form of pressure on freedom of expression. In Uzbekistan, enforcement previously focused primarily on materials related to extremism and terrorism, but legal changes in 2021 introduced criminal liability for online “discrediting” of the president and state authorities. Local activist Rasul Kusherbayev wrote the following on his Telegram channel: “This issue is urgent for us, too. Law enforcement agencies, which lack the ‘nerve’ to punish officials who are illegally destroying the property of citizens, are not ashamed to hold citizens liable for a ‘like’”. Some observers argue that Uzbekistan’s legislation is more regulated compared to that in Tajikistan. While liability for prohibited content had been established in Tajikistan, the exact list of prohibited materials was not consistently disclosed. In Uzbekistan, however, this list has been regularly updated and publicly announced in recent years. Article 244.1 and the Prohibited List Draft decisions related to prohibited information have appeared in Uzbek legislation since the 1990s. Documents regarding information policy signed in March 1999 on the Lex.uz website speak about banned information. However, what was included in this list was not announced in open sources in Uzbekistan for years. The draft law on disclosing the list to the public was signed in 2014. Publicly available information about the evidentiary basis for earlier cases remains limited. The list of social network accounts and sites prohibited in Uzbekistan was last updated in January 2026. Around 1,600 channels, pages, and materials were included in the list. Specifically, it includes 249 pages and channels on Facebook, 790 on Telegram, 265 on Instagram, 167 on YouTube, 36 on the Odnoklassniki social network, and 53 on TikTok. Materials in audio, video, and text formats on websites and social networks were included. Although the list is publicly available, questions have arisen regarding its comprehensibility and clarity. Observers argue that the breadth of the list risks encompassing ordinary religious and political expression. Activists emphasize...

Social Media

Kazakhstan Proposes Restrictions on Social Media Access for Minors

An active and ongoing debate is taking place in Kazakhstan over proposed amendments to legislation that would ban children under the age of 16 from using social media. The initiative has been raised repeatedly by lawmakers, although many experts believe teenagers would still find ways to circumvent such restrictions. The primary objective cited by lawmakers is to protect children from harmful content, including violence and pornography, and to reduce cyberbullying. The Ministry of Culture and Information has already prepared draft amendments that would affect the regulation of social media. Mechanisms for verifying users’ ages will be developed jointly with the Ministries of Education and Digital Development. Specifically, the proposals under discussion would introduce a ban on registering users under the age of 16 on social media platforms, with an exception for instant messaging services. Education Minister Zhuldyz Suleimenova said the working group is considering measures, including SIM card registration for children under 14 as an initial step toward access control, monitoring the content minors consume, and stronger digital and media literacy education in schools. Lawmakers argue that the issue is becoming increasingly urgent. In February, officials reported that around 200 registered cases of bullying and cyberbullying involving children were recorded in 2025. The figures were cited by Yulia Ovechkina, deputy chair of the Committee for the Protection of Children’s Rights. According to Ovechkina, these statistics primarily reflect improved detection and reporting rather than the full scale of the problem. She also noted that administrative liability for bullying was expanded in 2024. Officials say the number of teenagers experiencing harassment on social media continues to rise. In November 2025, police in Astana reported a sharp increase in cyberbullying complaints nationwide, particularly among female students and individuals active in public life. Law enforcement agencies note that forms of digital violence are evolving rapidly and becoming less visible. The most common manifestations include cyberbullying, stalking, the publication of personal data, extortion involving intimate materials, and the growing use of deepfake technologies. Increased online activity among teenagers heightens their vulnerability to such threats, police say. At the same time, experts question whether a blanket ban would be effective or meaningfully improve child safety. According to educational psychologist and Gestalt consultant Olga Tretyakova, building trusting relationships with children, openly discussing the dangers of harmful content, and conducting sustained preventive and educational work are far more effective than simply passing restrictive legislation. While such efforts require significantly more resources, she argues they are the only measures likely to produce lasting results. Skepticism also stems from the deep integration of social media into everyday communication, education, and adolescent development. Attempts to isolate minors from these platforms through legal measures risk cutting them off from a social environment they perceive as normal. Children are likely to register using other people’s phones, false names, or fake dates of birth, said Gabit Umirbekov, deputy chairman of the Chamber of Legal Advisors of the Republic of Kazakhstan. For many minors, especially those who are socially isolated or vulnerable, social networks serve as...

Politics

Kazakh MP Sarym Proposes Legal Measures Over Social Media Posts on Pipeline Strike

A Kazakhstani lawmaker has proposed criminal liability for social media posts that express support for attacks on the country’s energy infrastructure. During a recent session of the Mazhilis (lower house of parliament), MP Aidos Sarym called for posts endorsing Ukrainian military strikes on oil infrastructure to be examined under existing laws on terrorism and high treason. The proposal follows a November 29 incident in which Ukraine’s armed forces reportedly targeted the Caspian Pipeline Consortium (CPC) terminal in Novorossiysk, Russia. The attack damaged the CPC’s VPU-2 offshore loading terminal and temporarily halted operations. Addressing Prosecutor General Berik Asylov and Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Culture and Information Aida Balaeva, Sarym said the incident had sparked public commentary online that he believes exceeds the boundaries of protected speech. He called for investigations into such posts and suggested they may warrant legal action. “Such actions clearly go beyond the constitutional right to freedom of speech and directly harm national interests,” Sarym said, proposing that the government also launch an information campaign to discourage rhetoric supporting violence against critical infrastructure. The initiative coincides with broader debates in Kazakhstan over how to manage public discourse surrounding the war in Ukraine, amid concerns that expressions of support for either side could have diplomatic implications. Kazakhstan maintains relations with both Ukraine and Russia and has sought to preserve a neutral stance throughout the conflict. Sarym’s remarks were interpreted by some political analysts as a broader signal to members of parliament, following earlier comments by fellow deputy Yermurat Bapi. Bapi had previously characterized Ukrainian strikes on CPC facilities as part of a legitimate military strategy, a position that Sarym suggested could fall under legal review. Energy Minister Yerlan Akkenzhenov noted that approximately 80% of Kazakhstan’s oil exports transit through the CPC. While the pipeline includes Russian ownership, most shares belong to companies based in Kazakhstan, Europe, and the U.S., he said, countering claims that the CPC is solely a Russian asset. Kazakhstan is accelerating the repair of the VPU-2 terminal, now aiming for completion by January 2026. The Ministry of National Economy is currently assessing the economic impact of the disruption. Oil and gas analyst Olzhas Baidildinov estimated the production loss at 480,000 tons, equating to about $210 million in revenue over two weeks. He forecast monthly losses exceeding $400 million, including an estimated $150 million shortfall in budgetary revenue. Baidildinov expressed support for Sarym’s proposal, describing it as part of efforts to safeguard internal stability amid external geopolitical uncertainty. The proposal has not yet led to formal legislative action, and no prosecutions have been reported. Further discussion on the issue is expected as part of Kazakhstan’s broader approach to managing public discourse and national security in the context of the ongoing conflict between Russia and Ukraine.

Social Media

Tajikistan Debates Social Media Ban for Children Under 14

A controversial proposal in Tajikistan to ban social media use for children under the age of 14 has sparked public and expert debate. While many agree that the issue requires urgent attention, critics argue that education, digital literacy, and parental involvement offer more effective solutions than blanket prohibitions. Parliamentary Push for Stricter Controls The initiative was introduced by lawmaker Dilnoza Ahmadzoda in an article in Narodnaya Gazeta. She proposed banning access to social media for children under 14 and requiring written parental consent for adolescents aged 14 to 17. Ahmadzoda pointed out that amendments to the Law on the Protection of Children’s Rights were already passed earlier this year, targeting false and harmful content. However, she contends that these changes do not go far enough. “It is necessary to introduce further changes to ensure that children’s and teenagers’ use of social media is under control,” Ahmadzoda said. Expert Concerns: "A Ban Is Not the Solution" Experts caution that an outright ban may do more harm than good. Media literacy specialist Rustam Gulov warned that prohibitions often increase curiosity and drive youth online behavior underground. “A ban is not the solution. If you forbid it, interest will only grow, and young people will find ways to hide their activity. Such measures push them backward in terms of technological development. Control is more effective,” Gulov said. He noted that while platforms already impose age restrictions, children frequently bypass them using false birthdates or by accessing accounts through their parents’ devices. Gulov recommended closer collaboration with companies such as Meta to establish more effective content controls. He also advocated for the inclusion of media literacy education in school programs. “Children should learn from an early age how to use the internet and social networks responsibly and how to distinguish false or harmful information,” he said. Another major concern, according to Gulov, is the lack of quality digital content in literary Tajik. As a result, many young users switch to Russian-language platforms. “Social networks can serve as an educational tool, if there is enough quality content in Tajik,” he added. Public Opinion in Dushanbe Reactions among residents of the capital are mixed. Some favor tight restrictions, while others emphasize the potential benefits of social media in education and personal development. Psychologist Nigina Mamadjonova opposes a complete ban but underscores the importance of parental responsibility. “This is primarily the responsibility of parents. Unfortunately, most of them do not take it seriously,” she said. Mamadjonova criticized the widespread practice of giving smartphones to children “for quick peace and quiet” without supervising their activity. She warned that this leaves children vulnerable to cyberbullying, manipulation, and online predators. She also argued that preschoolers should not use phones at all, as screen time isolates them from physical activity and social interaction. For older children, she supports promoting digital literacy and steering them toward constructive online content. Mixed Results Abroad Other countries have implemented similar restrictions with varying degrees of success. In Australia, minors under 16 are prohibited from using platforms...

Social Media

Tajikistan May Revisit Sentences for Social Media ‘Likes’ and Comments

Tajikistan may review criminal cases in which individuals were convicted solely for “likes” and other digital interactions on social media. This was announced on August 7 by Rustam Mirzozoda, Chairman of the Supreme Court of Tajikistan. Possibility of Sentence Review According to Mirzozoda, existing legislation permits the review of such cases, though most convictions to date have been based on additional charges. “If the sentence was handed down solely on the basis of ‘likes and reposts,’ the courts are ready to review such decisions,” Mirzozoda stated. He added that no appeals have yet been filed with Tajikistan's courts on this issue, and no cases have been reviewed. Navruz Odinaev, founder of the Khimoya law firm, previously explained to Asia-Plus that the Criminal Code allows for retroactive application of laws if they reduce penalties or decriminalize offenses. This means that recent amendments may apply not only to future prosecutions but also to previously issued sentences. Origins of the “Like Law” In 2018, amendments to Article 179 of the Criminal Code introduced penalties for public calls for terrorist activity and the justification of terrorism, including online actions. These changes allowed likes, reposts, and comments on extremist content to be treated as evidence of criminal involvement. Convictions under this article carried sentences ranging from 5 to 15 years. Similar amendments to Article 307 (“Public calls for extremism”) imposed prison terms of 3 to 12 years. President Rahmon’s Reversal In October 2024, President Emomali Rahmon publicly condemned the prosecution of individuals for social media interactions, describing the practice as excessive and misguided. “Recently, the authorities have considered the fact that some citizens like shared materials and videos on social media as evidence, which has caused them enormous difficulties,” Rahmon stated. “In other words, some authorities are unjustifiably bringing criminal cases against them, and these actions must be stopped.” His comments came amid growing scrutiny of citizens for engaging with content posted by religious or opposition figures. On May 14, 2025, Rahmon signed legislation decriminalizing digital reactions on social media, even those related to content previously deemed extremist or a threat to public order. What Prompted the Shift? According to Deputy Prosecutor General Umed Karimzoda, more than 1,500 people were imprisoned in 2024 for social media activity deemed extremist. Lawyer Ranjet Yatimov attributes the president’s policy reversal to several factors. He notes that prosecutions for digital expression have damaged Tajikistan’s international reputation, especially given its membership in global human rights organizations. Domestically, the increase in such cases has fueled public dissatisfaction and eroded trust in law enforcement. Legal ambiguities also played a role, as vague statutory language enabled selective enforcement, prompting urgent legislative reform.