• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00211 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10803 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00211 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10803 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00211 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10803 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00211 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10803 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00211 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10803 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00211 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10803 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00211 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10803 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00211 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10803 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%

Viewing results 13 - 18 of 1756

How Koreans Were Deported to Central Asia: Myths and Reality

The 1937 deportation from the Soviet Far East was the greatest tragedy in the history of Soviet Koreans, Koryo-saram, the self-designation of ethnic Koreans living across the former Soviet Union. It became the first case in Soviet history in which an entire ethnic group was forcibly relocated solely on the basis of ethnicity. Later, Soviet Germans, Crimean Tatars, Chechens, Ingush, Kalmyks, Poles, Kurds, and many other peoples would endure similar repression. For decades, this history remained largely suppressed, giving rise to numerous myths and misconceptions surrounding the deportation. Yet it is inaccurate to claim that Koreans first appeared in Kazakhstan and Central Asia only in 1937. Historical and archaeological evidence points to earlier Korean ties with the region. The 1897 census of the Russian Empire recorded 42 Koreans living in Turkestan, while in 1929 a Korean agricultural cooperative called “Kazakh Rice” was established in Kazakhstan. Nevertheless, 1937 marked the beginning of the modern history of Koreans in Central Asia. Myth One: The Deportation Was a Sudden Decision One common belief is that Joseph Stalin suddenly decided to deport Koreans from the Soviet Far East as part of a campaign against Japanese espionage. Reality In fact, plans to relocate Koreans had been discussed since the late 1920s. The Politburo of the Soviet Communist Party repeatedly revisited the issue of the Korean population living in border regions. The joint decree issued by the Soviet government and Communist Party on August 21, 1937 (No. 1428-326ss), was the culmination of a long-term state policy. By the mid-1930s, the Soviet Far East was increasingly viewed as a vulnerable frontier zone. Japan had expanded its military presence in the region, and Soviet authorities feared a possible war. Koreans living in compact settlements near the border, while maintaining cultural and family ties with Korea, came to be regarded as politically unreliable. Ironically, many of them had originally fled to Russia precisely to escape Japanese colonial rule in Korea. Myth Two: The Deportation Was Entirely About Japanese Espionage Officially, Soviet authorities justified the deportation as a measure aimed at preventing Japanese espionage. Reality The espionage threat served more as a pretext than the principal cause. During the years of the Great Terror, Stalin’s regime perceived danger not only in individuals, but also in entire social and ethnic groups. Suspicion replaced evidence, and ethnic origin itself could become grounds for repression. Local officials sought to demonstrate political vigilance, while the state simultaneously pursued broader strategic and economic goals: strengthening military control in the Far East and redirecting labor resources to Kazakhstan and Central Asia, regions devastated by collectivization and famine. [caption id="attachment_48623" align="aligncenter" width="854"] Museum of the History of Russian Koreans (Koryo-saram) in Ussuriysk.[/caption] Myth Three: The Operation Was Chaotic For many deported families, the expulsion felt like a sudden catastrophe, creating the impression of disorder and improvisation. Reality At the state level, however, the operation was carefully organized. Before the deportation, party purges and political repression had already targeted the Korean intelligentsia. Soviet authorities fabricated cases involving alleged...

Pentagon UFO Files Include 1994 Tajik Air Report Over Kazakhstan

On May 8, the Pentagon released the first batch of U.S. Department of War files on unidentified anomalous phenomena (UAP), including a State Department cable describing a 1994 sighting by Tajik Air pilots over Kazakhstan. The new archive, called the Presidential Unsealing and Reporting System for UAP Encounters, was created in response to a directive from U.S. president Donald Trump. It covers unresolved cases where the government cannot make a definitive determination from available data, with further releases expected “every few weeks.” The department uses the current term UAP as well as the older term unidentified flying object (UFO). The release includes a three-page unclassified State Department cable from the U.S. embassy in Dushanbe. Dated January 31, 1994, it is titled “Tajik Air Pilots Report Unidentified Flying Object” and carries a State Department “Released in Full” stamp dated February 25, 2026. The same cable had previously appeared in CUFON’s archive of State Department UFO records, released in 2000 in response to a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request. According to the cable, Tajik Air chief pilot Ed Rhodes, identified as a United States citizen, and two American pilot colleagues reported that they had encountered a UFO on January 27, 1994, while flying at 41,000 feet in a Boeing 747SP. The location was given as latitude 45 north and longitude 55 east, over Kazakhstan. The pilots described the object as an intensely bright light approaching from the east at high speed and at an altitude far above their aircraft. They said they watched it for about 40 minutes as it moved in circles, corkscrews, and 90-degree turns. Rhodes reportedly took several photographs with a pocket Olympus camera and said copies would be sent to the embassy and to the Tajikistan desk at the State Department if they came out. No such photographs appear in the released cable. The crew could not identify the object’s shape because it was dark. They described its light as resembling a “bow wave,” and later said the aircraft flew beneath contrails left by the object after sunrise. Rhodes estimated those contrails to be at about 100,000 feet. The embassy suggested that the object might have been a meteor entering and skipping off the Earth’s atmosphere. Rhodes and the other pilots rejected that explanation, saying their years flying passenger aircraft for Pan Am had given them extensive experience with meteors and space junk. Based on the object’s reported speed and maneuverability, Rhodes expressed the view, which the cable says his crew seemed to support, that it was “extraterrestrial and under intelligent control.” The U.S. government recorded what the pilots said, but the cable does not confirm what they saw, as demonstrated in the file’s cautionary note: “We have no opinion and report the above for what it may be worth.” The release adds an official U.S. record to a regional history in which unexplained aerial reports have surfaced in Soviet research programs and, more recently, in media and online claims. During the Soviet period, reports of anomalous...

Kazakhstan’s Population Is Aging Rapidly as Demographic Pressures Mount

Kazakhstan’s population is aging rapidly, with the number of elderly citizens growing significantly faster than the child population as birth rates continue to decline. According to a study by analysts at Energyprom.kz, the country’s aging index has been steadily rising. In 2021, Kazakhstan had 26.7 elderly people for every 100 children under the age of 15. By 2025, that figure had increased to 32.9. The data suggests Kazakhstan is gradually entering a demographic phase in which the proportion of elderly citizens is growing much faster than the younger population. The trend is particularly pronounced in urban areas, where the aging index rose from 28.8 to 34.9 over four years. Rural areas remain relatively younger, though the index there also increased from 23.9 to 29.6. Researchers say the most difficult demographic situation is emerging in the country’s northern and eastern regions. The highest aging index was recorded in the North Kazakhstan Region at 84.1, followed by the East Kazakhstan Region at 80.7 and the Kostanay Region at 71.3. In practical terms, the number of elderly residents in these areas is approaching the number of children. High aging rates were also recorded in the Pavlodar, Karaganda, and Akmola regions. By contrast, Kazakhstan’s youngest demographic profiles remain concentrated in the southern and oil-producing regions. The lowest aging indexes were recorded in the Mangystau Region at 16.2, the Turkestan Region at 17.2, and the city of Shymkent at 17. Nevertheless, even these regions are showing gradual aging trends. Analysts say the primary driver of the shift is the changing balance between declining birth rates and the growing elderly population. Although Kazakhstan’s total population continues to increase, its demographic structure is becoming noticeably older. The number of children under the age of 14, after years of growth, has begun to decline. At the beginning of 2024 and 2025, the figure stood at around 5.9 million, but by early 2026 it had fallen to 5.8 million. At the same time, the number of Kazakhstanis aged over 65 continues to rise rapidly. Over the past decade, the elderly population increased from 1.2 million to 2 million people, an increase of nearly 60%. Additional pressure comes from falling birth rates. Kazakhstan’s total fertility rate dropped to 16.4 births per 1,000 people in 2025, compared to 23.5 in 2021, a decline of almost one-third in just a few years. The lowest birth rates are being recorded in the North Kazakhstan, Kostanay, and East Kazakhstan regions. However, even traditionally younger regions such as Turkestan and Mangystau are seeing fertility rates gradually decline. Experts warn that overall population growth is no longer compensating for changes in the country’s age structure. While the population is still increasing in absolute terms, the share of elderly citizens is rising much more rapidly. According to analysts, the trend is likely to place increasing pressure on Kazakhstan’s healthcare system, labor market, pension system, and social welfare infrastructure in the coming years.

Opinion: What May 9 Means to a Generation Without War Memories

One evening, sitting beside my grandmother, we opened an old photo album, the kind with thick pages and photographs tucked carefully beneath thin plastic sheets. We turned the pages slowly. At one photograph, she stopped. It showed her as a young girl beside a close relative she rarely speaks about, a man who never came home from the war. The mood changed almost instantly. For her, May 9 is not simply a date. It belongs to a family story shaped by absence, grief, and survival. For me, it is inherited. For many people of my generation, May 9 is no longer a memory of war itself, but a memory passed down by those who lived closer to it. That distance is changing the meaning of Victory Day in Kazakhstan and across much of Central Asia. The day still carries enormous symbolic weight, but the link between public commemoration and private family memory is becoming less direct. What older generations remember, younger generations are increasingly asked to learn. What Remains for Those Who Remember For older generations, May 9 remains deeply personal. It is tied to lives shaped by loss, names repeated year after year, stories retold within families, and the enduring presence of those who never returned. The meaning of the day is not abstract for people who lived through the war or grew up in its immediate aftermath. It is part of their family history. In many households, remembrance is expressed less through public slogans than through quieter acts: visiting memorials, keeping photographs, passing down names, or sharing stories that do not need much explanation. For those generations, the past has not fully receded. It remains close to the surface of the present. A Generation That Learns, Not Remembers For younger people, the connection is often weaker and less detailed. The war may still be respected, but it is no longer remembered in the same way. It is encountered through family fragments, school lessons, monuments, ceremonies, and public language rather than through the direct emotional force of lived experience. This generational gap is visible in recent polling. A 2025 survey by the Center for Social and Political Research “Strategy,” based on 1,100 respondents across nine regions of Kazakhstan, found that 46% of people aged 18-24 knew someone in their family had participated in the war but could not recall any details. Another 33% had no information at all. Among respondents over 55, only 13% reported similar uncertainty. The same survey found that many respondents could not identify a significant historical figure connected to the war, while nearly one in five could not name a single wartime event. These gaps suggest more than a decline in historical knowledge. They point to a weakening personal connection to what was once a defining collective experience. When Memory Exists Without Experience As lived experience gives way to inherited knowledge, remembrance changes form. Historical events are preserved through families, schools, state ceremonies, monuments, and media, but the emotional connection becomes harder to sustain. A...

Kazakhstan Returns to National Ice Hockey Team World Championship Top Division

Kazakhstan’s men’s national ice hockey team has secured an immediate return to the top division of the IIHF Ice Hockey World Championship after winning the 2026 Division I, Group A tournament in Sosnowiec, Poland. Under the championship format, the two lowest-ranked teams in the top division are relegated each year, while the top two teams from Division I, Group A earn promotion. Kazakhstan and France were relegated from the elite division in 2025 and returned this May to compete for promotion back to the top tier. The Division I tournament, which began on May 2, featured Kazakhstan, France, Poland, Ukraine, Japan, and Lithuania. Kazakhstan entered the tournament under head coach Talgat Zhailauov, who was leading the national team at a World Championship for the first time. By May 7, Kazakhstan had moved to the top of the standings with victories over Lithuania (4-1), Japan (6-0), and Poland (3-2). The decisive match came against Ukraine, Kazakhstan’s closest challenger in the standings. Vsevolod Logvin opened the scoring for Kazakhstan before Ukraine equalized. In the second period, goals from Kirill Lyapunov and veteran forward Roman Starchenko gave Kazakhstan a 3-1 advantage, but Ukraine fought back to level the score once again. Ukraine then took the lead early in the third period before Batyrlan Muratov quickly equalized, sending the game into overtime. No winner emerged in extra time, and Muratov scored the decisive goal in the shootout to seal a dramatic 5-4 victory for Kazakhstan. The win lifted Kazakhstan to 11 points, leaving the team unreachable with one round remaining for Poland, Ukraine, and France, all of whom had seven points. “The guys are fantastic. I’m proud of them, and I think the whole country is proud of this team,” Zhailauov said after the match. “It was an extremely difficult game today. I wouldn’t say we were lucky, we simply had a little more skill.” The coach added that team selection had been based not on experience, but on players’ current form. “I believed in the younger players, and with every game they kept improving. It turns out the choice was the right one,” he said. Kazakhstan will play its final match of the tournament against France on May 8. The game will have no impact on Kazakhstan’s standing, while France must win in regulation time to keep its hopes of promotion alive. The Times of Central Asia previously reported that Kazakhstan had introduced a legal ban on the use of public funds to finance foreign athletes in team sports, including hockey.

Shoqan Walikhanov: Kazakh Scholar Recognized in the West

Shoqan Walikhanov gained recognition far beyond the Kazakh steppe, earning admiration in Russian and European intellectual circles. Although his life was brief, he left a lasting impact on Oriental studies, ethnography, geography, history, and folklore research. Western academics especially valued his expedition to Kashgar and his detailed studies of Central Asia. Even today, many scholars writing about the region continue to rely on Walikhanov’s observations and publications. One example of this influence appears in A Century of Russian Rule in Central Asia, a scholarly volume edited by Edward Allworth and published in the United States in 1967. In the book, researchers frequently cite Walikhanov’s articles and reports on Central Asia, recognizing them as important historical sources. Russian Oriental scholars famously compared Walikhanov to “a fleeting meteor” whose brilliance appeared only briefly. The respected orientalist Nikolai Veselovsky also wrote about the high expectations scholars had for his future. Walikhanov’s studies first became known in Europe through the Russian Geographical Society. His works, including Sketches of Dzungaria, Journey to Altyshahr, and Notes on the Kyrgyz, introduced Western readers to the history, customs, and traditions of Central Asian peoples. By 1865, Walikhanov’s reputation had already reached the English-speaking world. That year, The Russians in Central Asia was translated into English and published in London by John and Robert Michell. The book examined the Russian Empire’s expansion into Central Asia, the Syr Darya military frontier, and political relations with the khanates of Khiva, Bukhara, and Kokand. It included Walikhanov’s accounts from his 1858 and 1859 expedition to Kashgar and Dzungaria, identifying him as “Capt. Valikhanof,” a Russian-based transliteration of his name. His writings offered Western audiences rare insights into the geography, political climate, ethnography, and daily life of Xinjiang and neighboring territories. The publication also featured studies by Russian travelers such as Mikhail Venyukov. The authors described the incorporation of the Kazakh steppe into the Russian Empire, the unstable political situation in the Central Asian khanates, and the international rivalry associated with the “Great Game.” [caption id="attachment_48496" align="aligncenter" width="300"] Decree of Emperor Alexander II on awarding Chokan Valikhanov the Fourth Class Order of Saint Vladimir for his journey to Kashgar, 1860. Photo credit: shoqan.kz[/caption] [caption id="attachment_48497" align="aligncenter" width="300"] Clothing of Kashgar Women. Drawn by Chokan Valikhanov, 1858.Photo credit: shoqan.kz[/caption] Modern historians still consider the book one of the most valuable nineteenth-century sources on Russian colonial expansion in Central Asia. At the time, Walikhanov’s observations on Kashgar were regarded as some of the most reliable information available to European scholars about a region that remained largely inaccessible. Western academics admired Walikhanov not only for his scholarship, but also for his role as a bridge between Eastern and Western cultures. English-language studies often describe him as “the first European-educated Kazakh intellectual.” His growing reputation in the English-speaking academic world has also been examined in later research. In the article Chokan Valikhanov and the English-speaking World, British researcher Nick Fielding explains how Walikhanov’s writings attracted the attention of nineteenth-century British scholars. According to Fielding, members of the...