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Russia: Thousands of Central Asia-Born Russians Sent to Ukraine Front Line

A senior Russian official has said that thousands of migrants from Central Asia who became Russian citizens were sent to fight in Ukraine after they tried to dodge conscription. "Our military investigations directorate conducts regular raids,” Alexander Bastrykin, head of Russia’s Investigative Committee, said on Tuesday in remarks that were reported by the Russian state-run TASS news agency. “So far, we've tracked down 80,000 such Russian citizens who didn't just avoid the front lines — they wouldn’t even show up at military enlistment offices. We’ve registered them for military service, and about 20,000 of these 'new' Russian citizens, who for some reason no longer want to live in Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, or Kyrgyzstan, are now on the front lines," Bastrykin said at the St. Petersburg International Legal Forum. Bastrykin’s comments contributed a piece to the often murky picture of the involvement of people from Central Asia in Russia’s war effort in Ukraine in the last three years. In addition to conscription measures, Russia has also sought to replenish its ranks by offering contracts and other incentives to foreigners willing to fight. Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan are among Central Asian countries that ban their nationals from fighting in foreign conflicts and there have been several high-profile prosecutions of citizens who fought for Russia and returned home. It is a sensitive political matter in Central Asia, a region that seeks to project neutrality in the conflict between Russia and Ukraine. Kazakhstan has said it is reviewing a report by a Ukrainian institution that said about 661 Kazakh citizens have fought for Russia since it launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. The I Want To Live center, which is run by the Ukrainian security services and assists with surrender requests from soldiers fighting for Russia, published a list of what it said were the Kazakh nationals. Of the 661, at least 78 have been killed, according to the center. Without providing details, it said it received the list from its own sources within the Russian military. Uzbekistan is conducting a similar investigation based on data from the Ukrainian group.

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Kazakhstan to Introduce Fines for Illegal Online Content

Kazakhstan is set to introduce administrative liability for disseminating illegal content on the internet, Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs Igor Lepekha announced during a recent session of the Mazhilis, the lower house of parliament. Although Kazakhstan formally banned the publication of unlawful material online in 2023, as stipulated in national legislation, the law did not include penalties for violations. Lepekha confirmed that this gap will now be addressed through new administrative measures. Kazakhstan has already established a system to detect illegal and false online content. “The Ministry of Culture sends us reports whenever false information is identified. We forward these materials for linguistic analysis, which is conducted by independent experts. If the content is found to constitute an offense, either administrative or criminal, a case is opened,” Lepekha explained. He added that all cases must be approved by the Prosecutor’s Office, with the courts ultimately determining culpability. The upcoming penalties mirror efforts in neighboring Kyrgyzstan, where the Ministry of Culture recently proposed similar fines for spreading disinformation online. Kazakhstan’s Ministry of Culture and Information (MKI) has reported a sharp rise in the volume of illegal content circulating online. In 2024, authorities identified 116,354 instances of unlawful material, nearly double the figure recorded in 2023. According to Minister Aida Balaeva, the most prevalent offenses include the promotion of terrorism, religious extremism, and drug use, as well as advertisements for online gambling and pyramid schemes. Earlier this year, activists in Almaty and Kostanay were fined for holding solo protests in support of detained satirist Temirlan Ensebek. The incident has drawn criticism from civil society groups concerned about shrinking space for dissent. Kazakhstan’s move to tighten internet regulations reflects growing regional and global trends aimed at combating harmful digital content. However, human rights organizations have warned that such measures must strike a careful balance to avoid infringing on freedom of expression.

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Astana International Forum: Not Just Another Davos

Kazakhstan’s Astana International Forum (AIF) has quietly entered a new phase in its development. Set to convene again this month, it began in 2008 as a targeted economic forum. Over time it has gradually evolved into a broader diplomatic platform aspiring to serve the so-called “Global South” as a whole. The AIF seeks to offer a deliberately open space for structured yet flexible dialogue across economic, political, and security domains, in a world full of international gatherings either overdetermined by legacy institutions or narrowly focused on crisis response. The AIF does not model itself on any existing institution. It is meant neither to replicate global summits nor to impose consensus, nor to replace regional blocs or legacy mechanisms. Rather, it reflects Kazakhstan’s own diplomatic philosophy — what President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev calls “multi-vector foreign policy” — seeking to extend this philosophy outward through a forum that prioritizes engagement over alignment and dialogue over doctrine. The AIF’s early period, from 2008 through roughly 2015, was defined by foundational work. Then called the Astana Economic Forum, it brought together central bankers, financial policymakers, and development agencies. The scope was technocratic, focusing on macroeconomic modernization and public-sector reform. Even in this limited format, however, the initiative revealed Kazakhstan's national aspiration to connect with wider global trends in institutional development and governance. Those formative years correspond to what, in terms of complex-systems theory, might be called the Forum’s phase of “emergence”: a period of assembling functions, testing formats, and learning the rhythms of international convening. These years were not marked by geopolitical ambition, but they did set in motion a process of institutional self-recognition. Kazakhstan was not just hosting events; it was experimenting with a type of global presence that would grow more distinct in later years. From 2015 to 2022, the Forum entered a more self-defining stage. It retained its core economic focus, but it increasingly attracted participants from beyond financial and development sectors. This broadened its scope to include questions of connectivity, regional stability, and sustainable development. The shift was not an accident. It accompanied Kazakhstan’s growing involvement in regional diplomacy and its active participation in a range of other multilateral structures. During this second period, the Forum took on the character of an institution with internal momentum. (This is what complex-systems theorists might term “autopoiesis,” i.e., the ability of a system to reproduce and maintain itself.) By adapting to a wider field of participants and issues, the AIF began to articulate a mission no longer limited to showcasing Kazakhstan’s domestic reforms but extending toward the creation of new transnational linkages. The rebranding of the old Astana Economic Forum as the Astana International Forum affirmed this shift in mandate, scope, and ambition. That rebranding marked the beginning of what now appears to be a critical inflection point. The cancellation of the 2024 edition due to catastrophic flooding created a rupture; but the organizers, rather than rush a replacement, deferred the Forum and used the intervening time to clarify its structure and message. The...

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Afghanistan’s Qosh-Tepa Canal Could Impact Kazakhstan’s Water Security

The construction of the Qosh-Tepa Canal in Afghanistan and its potential implications for Central Asia’s water security were central topics at the recent international conference, Water Security and Transboundary Water Use: Challenges and Solutions, held in Astana. Delegates from Turkey, Israel, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Afghanistan, and Turkmenistan convened to address the canal’s possible repercussions and broader issues of regional water distribution. Potential Threats to the Syr Darya Kazakhstan’s Deputy Minister of Water Resources and Irrigation, Aslan Abdraimov, warned that the Qosh-Tepa Canal could significantly reduce the flow of the Syr Darya River, with direct consequences for the already depleted Aral Sea. While Kazakhstan does not share a border with Afghanistan, the canal's impact is expected to ripple across the region. “No sharp fluctuations in water resources are expected in the near term, but in the long term, a reduction in the Syr Darya’s flow is inevitable,” Abdraimov stated. He emphasized that this would further strain the fragile water balance in the Aral Sea basin. The Aral Sea’s degradation has been ongoing for decades, largely due to the diversion of the Amu Darya and Syr Darya rivers for agricultural use, primarily for irrigating cotton and wheat fields. These diversions have contributed heavily to the sea’s dramatic shrinkage. Azamatkhan Amirtayev, chairman of Kazakhstan’s Baytak Party, expressed concern that the Qosh-Tepa Canal could divert 25-30% of the Amu Darya’s flow. “This means that Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan will receive less water. Consequently, Uzbekistan may draw more from the Syr Darya, leading to reduced water availability for Kazakhstan, potentially by 30-40%,” Amirtayev said. He urged for regional cooperation and scientifically informed policymaking to mitigate water losses. The Qosh-Tepa Canal and Its Regional Consequences The Qosh-Tepa Canal, under construction in northern Afghanistan, is designed to stretch 285 kilometers and span approximately 100 meters in width. Once operational, it is expected to irrigate over 500,000 hectares of farmland by diverting up to 10 cubic kilometers of water annually from the Amu Darya, roughly a quarter of the river’s average flow. Such a significant withdrawal could disrupt the hydrological balance across Central Asia. Reduced flows in the Syr Darya may accelerate the desiccation of the Aral Sea and exacerbate ecological degradation in Kazakhstan’s downstream regions. Experts at the conference underscored the urgency of strengthening regional water diplomacy and establishing new cooperative frameworks to ensure sustainable water usage and prevent environmental disasters. Hope for Dialogue Afghan representatives have previously signaled a willingness to engage in dialogue on water resource management. Observers suggest that joint initiatives in water management could play a key role in easing regional tensions and improving environmental outcomes. As the region faces mounting water stress due to climate change, population growth, and infrastructure development, coordinated action among Central Asian states and Afghanistan is increasingly seen as essential for long-term water security.

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Kazakhstan Declares Kentau Industrial Zone an Ecological Emergency Area

The Ministry of Ecology and Natural Resources of Kazakhstan has officially designated the industrial zone of Kentau, located in the Turkestan region, as an ecological emergency area. Minister Yerlan Nysanbayev signed the corresponding order, introducing a special legal status for a 900-hectare zone on the city's northern outskirts. Restrictions and Emergency Measures Published on the government's official legal portal, the document outlines a series of prohibitions and restrictions intended to address the long-standing environmental crisis. The status is effective until January 1, 2075, and applies to an unpopulated industrial zone. The Akimat of the Turkestan region has been directed to consider implementing the following measures: Regulating vehicle entry and exit Prohibiting the construction of new facilities and expansion of existing enterprises unless related to mitigating the environmental disaster or supporting essential public services Resettling residents from hazardous zones, with the provision of temporary or permanent housing Banning the construction and operation of environmentally hazardous facilities Restricting the operations of health and resort institutions within the emergency area Forbidding activities that could endanger human health, flora, fauna, or the environment Additionally, the regional government is tasked with formulating a comprehensive action plan to stabilize the ecological situation and reduce environmental harm. Continuous monitoring will be carried out under Article 409 of Kazakhstan’s Environmental Code. [caption id="attachment_31795" align="aligncenter" width="1149"] Map-of the location declared an emergency zone; image: zan.gov.kz[/caption] Background of the Crisis Kentau, a city with regional subordination, lies at the southern base of the Karatau Ridge, approximately 24 kilometers from Turkestan and 190 kilometers from Shymkent. Founded in 1955 atop the former Mirgalimsay workers' settlement, the city grew around the development of the Achisai polymetallic deposit. Today, it has a population of around 75,000. The Kentau industrial zone has long hosted several major enterprises, whose operations have severely impacted the local environment. Calls for governmental intervention have intensified in recent years. In June 2024, Senator Murat Kadyrbek urged authorities to declare Kentau an ecological disaster zone and allocate 6 billion KZT ($12 million) in compensation to affected residents. He cited studies showing a decline in both public health and environmental quality. Kadyrbek also appealed to the Ministry of Labor and Social Protection to introduce a 20% salary allowance for public sector workers residing in the disaster zone. Environmental experts and activists have repeatedly flagged dangerous levels of air pollution, elevated concentrations of heavy metals in soil, poor water quality, and a radioactive anomaly within the agglomeration area. While the Ministry’s recent designation is seen as a positive step toward environmental stabilization, experts stress that sustained investment and strategic long-term planning will be essential for meaningful recovery. Kentau is not the only locality in the Turkestan region grappling with ecological issues. Other affected areas include the Shardara and Arys districts, as well as the city of Turkestan, all located within the pre-crisis zone of the desiccating Aral Sea.

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The Abu Dhabi-Kazakhstan Connection

Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi Khaled bin Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan led a delegation of officials and businessmen from the United Arab Emirates on a visit to Kazakhstan to attend the Kazakhstan-UAE Business Forum on May 12. During the visit, Kazakhstan and the UAE signed deals worth some $5 billion and not surprisingly, three of the nine agreements were with Abu Dhabi Ports Group. Building a new trade route to the south Abu Dhabi Ports Group (AD Ports Group) has been leading the way in connecting Kazakhstan to the Middle East, and in turn, the UAE company is looking to take advantage of Kazakhstan’s key position along the Middle Corridor trade route. In early August 2023, Davud Tafti, the head of AD Ports Group subsidiary Simatech Shipping & Forwarding, met with Kazakhstan’s Minister of Trade Serik Zhumangarin to discuss the shortest direct route for shipping “Kazakh export cargo the markets of the Persian Gulf, the Middle East, Pakistan, India and the coast of East Africa.” The route goes from Kazakhstan’s Caspian port of Kuryk to the Iranian Caspian port at Amirabad. From there goods are shipped to the Iranian Persian Gulf port at Bandar Abbas and loaded onto ships heading to UAE ports at Khalifa and Fujairah. The total time from Kuryk to Bandar Abbas is three days. By the time Tafti and Zhumangarin met, AD Ports Group had already purchased four ships with a capacity of 7.500 tons each for transportation of bulk, container, and general cargo along Caspian Sea routes. Tafti said there were plans to buy ten more similar vessels with Amirabad being used as their home port. Simatech Shipping & Forwarding also bought two barges, each capable of transporting 350 trucks, with plans to purchase 1,000 trucks for shipping goods between Amirabad and Bandar Abbas. AD Ports Group signed a strategic partnership agreement with state oil and gas company KazMunaiGas (KMG) in January 2023 aimed at developing Kazakhstan’s tanker fleet in the Caspian and Black seas. The parties formed a joint venture called Caspian Integrated Maritime Solutions (CIMS). CIMS announced in December 2023 that working with KMG subsidiary KazMorTransFlot, Kazakhstan’s national shipping company, it had acquired two oil tankers for use in the Caspian Sea. AD Ports Group reached an agreement in January 2024 to construct a facility on Kazakhstan’s Caspian coast for building and repairing ships. Work started in early 2025 on two container vessels, each with the capacity to carry more than 500 twenty-foot equivalent units (TEU) and built especially for use on the Caspian Sea. AD Ports Group also formed a joint venture with state railway company Kazakhstan Temir Zholy in December 2023 with the aim of improving logistics operations for transferring goods using rail and maritime routes. At the moment, the CIMS route is by far the fastest way for Kazakhstan to trade with the Middle East. In May 2025, Kazakhstan Temir Zholy sent the first shipment of wheat via Turkmenistan and Iran to Bandar Abbas, and from there by sea...