• KGS/USD = 0.01126 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00226 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09158 -0.11%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01126 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00226 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09158 -0.11%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01126 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00226 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09158 -0.11%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01126 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00226 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09158 -0.11%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01126 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00226 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09158 -0.11%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01126 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00226 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09158 -0.11%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01126 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00226 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09158 -0.11%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01126 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00226 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09158 -0.11%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%

Viewing results 1 - 6 of 336

Without Security, There Can Be No Development in Afghanistan

Indian author Arundhati Roy once said, “Either way, change will come. It could be bloody, or it could be beautiful. It depends on us.” Almost three years after Taliban’s resurgence to power in Afghanistan, there are practically no developments to highlight in its relations with the outside world. The situation remains at a dead end as the international community and the authorities in Kabul are stuck on intransigent issues, and as Afghanistan continues to face a humanitarian crisis. In the context of current geopolitical realities after the recent fall of its “democratic” regime, Afghanistan finds itself in a gap between the experiences of the past and a yet undetermined future. It has a unique opportunity to transcend its reputation as the “graveyard of empires” and determine its own fate while simultaneously integrating into the international community. How the de facto authorities in Afghanistan handle this opportunity will not only shape the future of the Afghan people and the region, but also influence the development of the entire global security paradigm. Currently, the Taliban have every opportunity to lay the foundation for a new model of regional and international security, which would allow them to create conditions for the return of Afghanistan to the system of normal international relations. But they need to act quickly. Rising tensions in the Middle East engage almost every global and regional power, and further escalation there will negatively affect the situation around Afghanistan. In this unpredictable geopolitical environment, the Taliban can either take the lead on new security arrangements or once again experience an undesirable worsening of the security situation that goes beyond their control.   A path forward is possible with the Taliban acting responsibly at the helm It seems that since the Anglo-Afghan wars of the 19th century, the world has become accustomed to seeing Afghanistan as a place where global geopolitical steam can be let off. But the Afghan people deserve progress, and various outside actors have offered different proposals. What the Taliban need is a chance at a breakthrough where they are the key player and can take full responsibility. The international community needs to allow such an opportunity to serve as a “maturity test” with which it can gauge the Taliban. At this important juncture, the international community must support Afghanistan in determining its own future. If external actors continue to promote political blueprints, Afghanistan will once again become a site for proxy wars, an arena of rivalry and a fertile ground for old narratives about international terrorism and other threats. Slamming the Taliban for their democratic failings, on which they clearly do not share the outsiders’ perspectives, will not yield productive results. For its part, if Kabul is really seeking to be a key player in Asia and a regular participant in international affairs, and if it seeks to realize its significant geographic and economic potential, then it must start implementing practical initiatives involving regional countries and international organizations in a dialogue on security. Maintaining internal security and stability...

Growth of Non-Custodial Sentences in the Kyrgyz Republic Since 2020

The Kyrgyz Republic has reported a decrease of its prison population, which speaks to the ongoing humanization of its criminal justice system. In 2023, the prison population amounted to just 7,728 persons, a 20% decrease compared to 2020 (9,658 prisoners). Despite a 22% increase in the number of convictions, from 5,074 in 2020 to 6,202 in 2023, the number of non-custodial sentences has risen by 55 %. This information was relayed at a roundtable discussion organized by the Ministry of Justice and the UNODC Programme Office in the Kyrgyz Republic on 17 April 2024. Within the framework of the EU-co-funded project, JUST4ALL, which focuses on the establishment of a probation and criminal justice information management systems, the UNODC conducted an analytical review on the judicial practice of custodial and non-custodial sentences between 2020 and 2023. This research was aimed at analyzing court decisions on alternatives to incarceration, and collecting data to inform evidence-based technical assistance within the aforementioned project. An intra-agency working group was tasked with conducting an analytical review by representatives from the Supreme Court, the General Prosecutor's Office, the Prison Service, and the Probation Department. Zarylbek uulu Almazbek, Deputy Minister of Justice of the Republic emphasized that this analysis would help identify positive aspects and shortcomings in the current system. "This work is necessary and relevant, and we are convinced that it will contribute, among other things, to the harmonization of regulatory legal acts, as well as improved cooperation and interaction with government agencies," Almazbek stated. Cosimo Lamberti-Fossati, Project Manager for the EU delegation noted that the EU-funded “JUST4ALL project plays a key role in promoting the humanization of the criminal justice system in Kyrgyzstan through strengthening the probation system. The collection and analysis of data on criminal justice is key to informing evidence-based sustainable policies and decision making.” Participants at the roundtable highlighted the positive role of the probation service, and the need for tailored approaches when it comes to the social reintegration and rehabilitation. Further challenges include ensuring staff are well-equipped to address the needs of their clients by creating appropriate working conditions and tackling the high turnover rate of probation officers. The participants also agreed on the need to strengthen multistakeholder synergies when implementing alternatives to detention, bringing stakeholders together and allowing them to have an open exchange in a trusted environment. JUST4ALL builds on the United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for Non-custodial Measures (the Tokyo Rules), which encourages Member States to develop non-custodial measures within their legal system to provide alternatives, thus reducing the use of imprisonment, as well as to rationalize criminal justice policies, consider human rights, the requirements of social justice, and the rehabilitation needs of the offender.   Vasilina Brazhko is a specialist at the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime in Central Asia

Uzbekistan Seeks to Expand Trade Horizons with Europe

- Opinion by Robert Cutler   Uzbekistan's economic landscape has been evolving, with announcements of major reforms and international cooperation aimed at economic modernization and increasing its profile in global markets. Its partnership with the European Union (EU) has focused on critical raw materials. At the same time, Tashkent plans to reduce gas exports in favour of expanding petrochemical production and inviting foreign investment into its mining sector. In October 2023, the European Parliament (EP) had endorsed this policy direction by adopting a resolution on Uzbekistan based on a series of broad programmatic documents regarding Central Asia, including a previous Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Uzbekistan on energy cooperation. The EP also favorably mentioned the Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (EPCA) concluded in July 2022 to "modernize" the EU's Partnership and Cooperation Agreement signed with Uzbekistan in 1999. A new MoU signed earlier this month by the European Commission’s Executive Vice-President Valdis Dombrovskis and Uzbekistan's Minister of Investment, Industry and Trade Laziz Kudratov foresees an ambitious intensification of the partnership. The agreement is touted as a step towards diversifying supply chains to Europe for critical raw materials (CRMs) required for the energy transition.   The EU's strategic economic partnership with Uzbekistan The new MoU follows on the EU's 25 October 2023 agreement with Uzbekistan during the Global Gateway Forum. That agreement had confirmed that Uzbekistan, with its reserves of metals such as silver, titanium, and lithium, would join the so-called Critical Raw Materials Forum. However, a critical evaluation of the MoU shows that a lot of hard work will be necessary to realize its plans and promises. In fact, the MoU represents a list of possibilities for cooperation without a guarantee of follow-through. The new partnership focuses on a number of areas of potential collaboration. These may be grouped under three general categories: (1) integrating CRM value and supply chains and their resilience; (2) mobilization of funding; and (3) cooperation on production, research, innovation and capacity building. The MoU itself admits that further specific cooperation is required to establish an operational roadmap that would specify particular joint actions for implementation. This partnership is in line with the EU's Global Gateway Initiative, which seeks to mobilize up to €300 billion in investments by 2027, although the initiative has been criticized for largely being a re-packaging of previously established programs without significant new funding. As far as Uzbekistan is concerned, the big unspoken problem is the need to enhance the country's economic competitiveness in global markets.   Uzbekistan's mineral resources exploration Only about 20 percent of Uzbekistan’s territory has been explored. Potential mineral resources are evaluated at US$5.7 billion, with the country’s explored reserves representing about US$1 billion of this amount. This unexplored potential represents a significant opportunity for further enhancing Uzbekistan's potential global competitiveness in the mineral resources sector, but only if transportation logistics can be economically put into place. According to the U.S. Geological Service, Uzbekistan also has reserves of other minerals - such as calcium, kaolin, rhenium and vermiculite...

The Taliban and its Neighbors: An Outsider’s Perspective

This is part two of a piece of which part one was published here. The topic of a regional approach to solving Afghanistan's problems is increasingly being discussed in various expert and diplomatic circles. The International Crisis Group (ICG), a reputable think tank whose opinion is extremely interesting as part of an "insider vs outsider" set of viewpoints, writes about this in particular. A report from ICG entitled "Taliban's Neighbors: Regional Diplomacy with Afghanistan" is one of the first works to summarize the role and place of the region as regards the situation around Afghanistan. In the voluminous work, the authors touch upon almost all aspects - issues of diplomatic recognition, security, terrorist activity, trade and economic relations within the region, water issues and others. In their conclusions, ICG analysts point out that many steps towards regional cooperation aren't related to Western donors, but European countries should nevertheless be interested. Europeans in particular would benefit from a stable, self-sufficient region that isn't a major source of illegal drugs, migrants or terrorism. But sanctions and other Western measures designed to show disapproval of the Taliban are obstacles to a more functional relationship between Kabul and the countries of the region. Significant progress depends on Western support - or at least tacit acquiescence. While such practical steps need not lead to  recognition of the Taliban regime, they will contribute to regional peace and security. However, experts are concerned that the emerging regional consensus is directly dependent on security and stability issues in Afghanistan - if regional neighbors feel that the government cannot restore order within Afghanistan's borders and contain transnational threats, the consensus may well collapse. If that happens, regional countries may be tempted to choose sides in another intra-Afghan civil conflict, repeating the destructive pattern of past decades. At the same time, experts believe that the first step toward improving regional security cooperation would be to cool down the rhetoric on all sides and get regional players to agree on security issues, even if they have different priorities. Security information sharing within the region also suffers because the Taliban have yet to build a trusted dialog. They lack credibility because of their complete denial of certain threats. Meanwhile, countries in the region and the world are guided by inflated estimates of militant numbers. The ICG's assessments of the security threats posed by Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP) are broadly in line with the consensus - in some ways, the growing concern about ISKP is paradoxical due to the fact that the overall level of violence associated with the group has declined over the past two years. The question of whether ISKP could become a more potent transnational threat in the future remains open. So far, its operations outside of its original territory near the Afghanistan-Pakistan border have been limited. On the other hand, ISKP continues to attract recruits from different parts of Central and South Asia and encourages attacks outside Afghanistan - arguably making it the most dangerous armed group in...

Uzbekistan: From Silk Roads to New Horizons

Cradled by the embrace of the Syr Darya and Amu Darya Rivers, Uzbekistan boasts a rich tapestry woven from the threads of history. Being home to trade hubs like Samarkand and Bukhara, this land has been at the center of cultural exchange for over a millennia. From the Turkic-Mongol tribes creating the foundation of Uzbek civilization to the fall of the Soviet Union giving birth to the nation we know now, the history of Uzbekistan consists of a captivating blend of conquests and resilience. In 2016, following the demise of Islam Karimov, who ruled the country for 25 years, Shavkat Mirziyoyev came to power promising to lead Uzbekistan into a new and more progressive era. With a focus on modernization and reforms, Mirziyoyev envisioned bringing the nation out of his predecessor's repressive tenure and propelling it forward while honoring the country’s cherished traditions. With Uzbekistan trying to find its place in the modern world, the President has a significant duty to realize the nation’s potential found in its youthful population and strategic location. Mirziyoyev’s time in office has allowed the country to witness the beginning of a new chapter, with a special focus on economic and social reforms. The economy is on its way to becoming a modern market economy as reforms have opened the doors for foreign investors to direct their money into the country. Uzbekistan’s per capita income tells the story of a rising nation, reaching $1,705 in 2023, an increase of $100 compared to the previous year and a testament to the government's commitment to transforming towards a market-oriented economy. To create a conducive environment for businesses and especially foreign investors, the foreign exchange market was liberalized, and exchange rates were unified, bringing down tax rates for people and firms. The country has also allowed visa-free entry to attract tourists from around the world to their turquoise-domed cities and promote business and tourism. Coupled with all this, the country is also moving towards more relaxed trade policies, where it has opened previously closed borders with neighboring nations, including Kazakhstan, which is currently one of Uzbekistan’s top export destinations. With this modified attitude, the country’s role in international trade has dramatically evolved, making it a significant player in the Central Asian market. Over the past few years, the nation has shown great interest in joining the World Trade Organization (WTO), which will further improve its access to the global landscape. However, until Uzbekistan gains member status, the government hopes to boost their export capabilities by attracting foreign capital and technology through liberalizing trade and investment. Along with this, export permit and licensing requirements were also abolished for wholesale traders. While these measures have allowed the country to take a decisive step towards progression and development, several areas still necessitate immediate action, such as transportation networks and communication infrastructure, which are required to facilitate international trade. Previously, the country primarily focused on the export of cotton but is now expanding into other areas, including oil, gas, and gold. Another...

The New Silk Road

In light of the current geopolitical situation in the world, many countries are puzzled by the search for new alternative transport routes. One of these is the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route (TITR), which runs through China, Kazakhstan, the Caspian Sea, Azerbaijan, Georgia, and further to Turkey and European countries. New transport corridors through which goods and raw materials can be exported by all modes of transport are a vital task for many countries, today. Such routes must first of all be safe, beneficial to all partners, and economically feasible. The TITR, or the “Middle Corridor”, as it is also called, falls into these criteria. It was conceived more than ten years ago and began operating in 2017. In recent years, this route has been experiencing a new round of development, and this is not surprising since it connects East and West whilst bypassing Russia. Today, this is a flagship cooperation project for many states. This transport artery, connecting China, Central Asia and Europe, can become a continental bridge of the Belt and Road, halving the time of cargo transportation and significantly reducing transport costs. The route encompasses 11,000 km of rail, and includes ten seaports. It originates in China at the port of Lianyungang, passing through Xi'an to Urumqi, through Kazakhstan - from the dry ports of Khorgos and Dostyk - to the ports of Aktau and Kuryk, the Azerbaijan (port of Alyat), Georgia (Tbilisi), and then through the Black Sea it continues onto Europe. It is noteworthy that this route is multimodal, that is, rail, sea and road transport can be used. The current capacity of the Trans-Caspian international transport route is 6 million tons per year. By 2025, it is planned to reach a level of 10 million tons per year. So, the potential is great. Assessing all possibilities, interested states intend to invest financial resources in the further development of this corridor and the expansion of its port and railway infrastructure, which will have a positive impact on the quality of services provided and reduce transportation times. Each side – China, Turkey, Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan – has its own benefit, and these countries have something to offer each other in much larger volumes than the current supplies. China intends to develop its western provinces, providing them with access to regional markets. Azerbaijan sees an opportunity to strengthen its transit role and become the largest transport hub. Türkiye, in turn, continues to extend its influence in Azerbaijan and Central Asia. As for Kazakhstan, there are fears that attacks by the Ukrainian Army on Russian oil refineries could lead to a blockage of the Caspian Pipeline Consortium (CPC), which supplies Kazakh oil to international markets. In this regard, a huge amount of work is being done to diversify, and the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route comes in handy here. The Kazakh company, KazMunaiGas has already purchased tankers, and there are agreements with Azerbaijan on access to the Baku-Supsa and Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipelines, through which Kazakhstan can transport about 2 million tons...

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