Turkmenistan Features - The Times Of Central Asia

Viewing results 37 - 42 of 408

Human Rights

Rights Groups Urge EU to Tie Turkmenistan Relations to Human Rights Progress

Rights groups have urged the European Union to take a tougher line on Turkmenistan, warning that closer ties with Ashgabat should be tied to measurable progress on human rights. The call came in a briefing by the International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR) and the Turkmen Initiative for Human Rights (TIHR) ahead of the EU-Turkmenistan Human Rights Dialogue, scheduled for June 22, 2026, in Ashgabat. The organizations called on European institutions to press Turkmen authorities to take concrete steps to improve civil liberties, freedom of expression, and human rights protections. Turkmenistan remains one of the world’s most closed and repressive states, according to the briefing. It highlights severe restrictions on independent media, expanding internet censorship, the absence of independent civic space, persecution of government critics, transnational repression, impunity for torture and enforced disappearances, and continuing violations of women’s rights. The groups urged the EU to link any further development of relations with Turkmenistan, including ratification of the pending Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, to measurable progress on human rights. They also called on European officials to demand regular reporting from Turkmen authorities on the implementation of international recommendations and to share this information with independent civil society representatives. Media freedom is a central focus of the briefing. According to the 2026 World Press Freedom Index by Reporters Without Borders, Turkmenistan ranked 173rd out of 180 countries. The authors state that state-controlled media continue to function primarily as propaganda outlets, promoting an official image of prosperity despite economic hardship and systemic human rights violations. Access to alternative sources of information remains heavily restricted because of extensive internet censorship. The briefing also references cases involving the blocking of circumvention tools and raids targeting owners of Starlink satellite equipment. Rights advocates further argue that civic space in Turkmenistan is effectively closed to independent activity. Much of the public sector is controlled by government-linked structures, while many public-sector employees and students are pressured into financially supporting pro-government organizations. The briefing also highlights the continued practice of forced mobilization for mass state events. According to the organizations, civil servants, university students, and even children are regularly compelled to participate in large-scale public campaigns and rehearsals that can last for extended periods, raising concerns about health and safety. Despite official pledges to cooperate with international institutions, Turkmen authorities continue to restrict access to the country for independent observers and UN experts, the briefing says. It also lists cases of pressure and intimidation targeting journalists, activists, and human rights defenders. The organizations also expressed concern over discrimination against women, entrenched patriarchal practices, and the effects of the country’s prolonged socioeconomic crisis, which they say disproportionately affects women, labor migrants.

Trade Corridors

Opinion: Eurasia’s New Corridors Are More Than a Transit Race

Across Eurasia, new transport corridors are usually described as instruments of rivalry: routes to bypass Russia, ports to outflank competitors, or rail links to shift influence between regions. The conflict around Iran, the rivalry between India and Pakistan, instability in the Afghanistan-Pakistan zone, crises in the Middle East, sanctions, competition over transport routes, and growing struggles for transit influence all reinforce the image of a continent divided by political contradictions. Increasingly, this is the lens through which Eurasia is viewed. The development of transport routes and connectivity is now often explained through the logic of rivalry. Some corridors are described as alternatives to others. Certain ports are positioned against competing ports. Routes are increasingly perceived as tools of competition, circumvention, or geopolitical influence. The continent can also be viewed differently. Alongside political crises, another reality is visible: the continent continues to connect itself through new routes and networks. Railways, ports, energy grids, dry ports, container corridors, digital cables, and trade chains are gradually linking spaces that only recently were seen as separate regions. In many ways, Eurasia has always been a space of movement, exchange, and connectivity. The Silk Road Was a Network, Not a Single Route A recent article by News Central Asia made a simple but important observation: the Silk Road functioned because it belonged to everyone. This idea contains one of the central lessons of Eurasian history. The Silk Road was never a single road. It was not one unified highway built according to a master plan or controlled by a single center. For centuries, the continent was connected by a vast network of caravan routes, maritime pathways, mountain passes, cities, and trade hubs through which goods, people, knowledge, and ideas circulated. Some routes gained importance while others temporarily declined. States, empires, and commercial centers changed. New pathways emerged. Yet the network itself endured. The strength of the Silk Road lay not in one route, but in the multiplicity of connections. When one corridor became unsafe, trade shifted elsewhere. When political conditions changed, commerce adapted to a new geography. The continental network remained flexible and multilayered. This offers an important lesson for today’s Eurasian space as well. Many modern transport corridors did not emerge from nothing. In many respects, they follow historical logic. Railways have replaced caravan paths, dry ports have succeeded old trade hubs, and container routes continue along directions in which goods moved for centuries. Corridors and the Logic of Rivalry Today, most transport and economic corridors are interpreted as competing projects. Nearly every new route is framed through confrontation, alternatives, or attempts to bypass another direction. The Middle Corridor is often described as an alternative to northern routes. The International North-South Transport Corridor is presented as a separate geo-economic axis. Trans-Afghan projects are portrayed as competitors to other links between Central and South Asia. Chabahar and Gwadar are depicted as rival ports. Even the South Caucasus transport hub is increasingly viewed through the prism of struggles over control of routes and flows. Yet historically,...

U.S. Diplomacy

Top U.S. State Department Official Travels to Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan

Sarah B. Rogers, a senior official at the United States Department of State whose job includes engaging foreign publics through educational, cultural, and other means, will visit Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan as part of a trip to Central Asia and South Asia. Rogers, the under secretary of state for public diplomacy and public affairs, will also visit India and Nepal during the May 27-June 10 tour, according to the State Department. President Donald Trump nominated Rogers, a lawyer, to the post early last year and she was sworn in on October 10, 2025. The president has since nominated her to head the U.S Agency for Global Media, a federal agency tasked with disseminating information to international audiences that has been in turmoil since early in Trump’s second term. If confirmed, Rogers would keep her current job while also running the agency. The Trump administration sharply scaled back the operations of the global media agency, which oversees Voice of America and other U.S.-funded outlets, as part of a broader reduction in funding for U.S. aid projects around the world. Central Asia was among the affected regions where some U.S. funding was withdrawn, even as Washington ramped up economic and diplomatic initiatives with governments in that region. U.S. administration officials have alleged that the global media agency was vulnerable to political bias and management, though supporters said it played a valuable role in disseminating information in countries led by authoritarian governments. Lawsuits and court rulings have slowed the push to dismantle the agency. In her role as under secretary, Rogers has criticized what she calls censorship in Europe, saying speech regulation there is placing unfair restrictions on U.S. tech companies and undermining democracy. Opponents say she is seeking common cause with ideological allies of the Trump administration in Europe. “Truth-telling and censorship circumvention, including in closed societies, are critical causes for me,” Rogers said after her March nomination to lead the U.S. Agency for Global Media.

Healthcare

Turkmenistan Works With WHO on Healthcare Upgrades

Turkmenistan and the World Health Organization went through a delicate period during the pandemic, when the Turkmen government said there had been no COVID-19 cases in the country. The global health agency didn’t publicly challenge the claim, which was met with widespread international skepticism. While Turkmenistan retains many of the tight controls on information that were in place at the height of the pandemic, its relationship with the World Health Organization, or WHO, has evolved into one of closer cooperation aimed at bringing parts of the country´s health system into line with international practices. In the latest initiative, WHO experts and laboratory specialists in Turkmenistan held an emergency planning workshop in Ashgabat this month, according to the health agency. The May 19-23 event focused on topics including emergency planning and the safe transport of infectious substances. “By investing in expertise and preparedness, Turkmenistan continues to strengthen its preparedness for public health emergencies,” the World Health Organization said on Instagram. Since the COVID-19 crisis, WHO specialists have also visited Turkmenistan to help with its pandemic planning and preparedness, in just one element of a broader plan to modernize the health system of one of the most closed countries in the world. Even today, the impact of the pandemic in Turkmenistan is not fully known because of limited public information. At the time, authorities implemented measures such as obligatory masking, restrictions on travel, and the closure of borders. There were, however, reports of people in Turkmenistan suffering symptoms similar to those seen during the spread of COVID-19 elsewhere. Other countries in Central Asia, meanwhile, confirmed that they had outbreaks. Some analysts speculated that a delegation that visited Turkmenistan during the pandemic didn’t directly address the government’s zero-case claim because it wanted to avoid any public fallout and was focused on maintaining access to the country and its health officials. Dr. Karen Nahapetyan, laboratory specialist at the WHO regional office for Europe, guided the Ashgabat workshop this month, according to the turkmenportal.com website. Nahapetyan recently worked on the international response to the Andes hantavirus outbreak on the cruise ship MV Hondius that killed three people. While technical coordination between WHO and Turkmenistan is advancing, some foreign advisories warn of the limits of the country’s healthcare system. The British Foreign Office advises travelers that it’s usually best to avoid anything other than basic or emergency care in Turkmenistan, especially outside Ashgabat.

Middle Corridor

Can Caspian Cargo Fleets Meet Middle Corridor Demands?

Construction of infrastructure along the Middle Corridor, also called the Trans-Caspian International Trade Route, to ship goods between China and Europe is progressing at a frantic pace. When Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in late February 2022, it inadvertently gave a new impetus to the development of a trade network through Central Asia and the South Caucasus that had been slowly taking shape since the end of the 1990s. One of the most formidable challenges along the Middle Corridor is boosting maritime cargo across the Caspian Sea. Steps are being made, including some significant recent moves, but the capacity of shipping east-to-west over the Caspian Sea faces challenges in meeting the ever-growing demand for commercial vessels. By Leaps and Bounds In 2022, the volume of cargo through the Middle Corridor was some 1.5 million tons, more than twice the amount transported in 2021. In 2023, it topped 2.7 million tons, in 2024 was about 4.5 million tons, and in 2025 it was expected to be approximately 5.2 million tons. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan visited Kazakhstan on May 13-14, where his host, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, said the figure could reach 10 million tons “in the near future,” and are predictions it could happen as soon as 2027. The roads, railways, and port facilities along the Middle Corridor are expanding rapidly. However, according to a report from Azerbaijan’s Trend news agency in mid-May, the Azerbaijani Caspian Shipping Company (ASCO) says that since 2013, only “a total of 35 new vessels have been commissioned.” The Merchant Fleets of Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan On the eastern side of the Caspian Sea, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan have been working to increase their maritime shipping. Both countries invested heavily in upgrading their Caspian ports, in Kazakhstan’s case at Aktau and Kuryk, and for Turkmenistan at Turkmenbashi City. Since the end of April, both countries have moved to boost their potential to ship cargo across the Caspian. Kazakhstan’s state railway company, Kazakhstan Temir Zholy (KTZ), announced on April 30 that it would build its own maritime fleet starting with six new vessels, each with a deadweight of up to 9,900 tons and able to carry up to 537 twenty-foot equivalent units (TEU). Once completed, those six cargo ships will join the two dry cargo and three container vessels in the Caspian Sea operated by Kazakhstan’s state maritime shipping company Kazmortransflot. The three container ships – Berkut, Sunkar, and Barys – all started operation in 2019, have a deadweight of 5,200 tons, and can each carry up to 350 TEU. The two dry cargo ships, the Beket Ata and Turkestan, have a deadweight of 5,467 tons and can carry 4,182 tons. On May 12, the dry cargo ship Gadamly arrived at the Baku International Sea Port. The Gadamly is Turkmenistan’s first dry cargo vessel and is able to carry up to 240 TEU. A second cargo vessel, Manzil, should be launched before the end of this year. Arif Aghayev, the deputy chairman of Azerbaijan Railways, said at...

Forced Labor

Turkmen State Employees Forced Back Into Cotton Harvest Campaign

The authorities in Turkmenistan have again mobilized public-sector employees for the annual cotton harvest, forcing teachers, doctors, municipal workers, and other state employees either to work in the fields or pay for replacement laborers from their own salaries. The renewed campaign comes as international brands continue to face growing risks that what activists describe as “toxic” Turkmen cotton may still be entering global supply chains. According to Dialectic, the authorities have abandoned even the limited relaxations introduced in some regions during previous harvest seasons. Cotton remains one of Turkmenistan’s key export commodities. Each year, the state sets a harvest target of roughly 1.25 million tons of raw cotton from approximately 580,000 hectares of farmland. State procurement prices for farmers remain extremely low. The government currently pays around 5,000 manat per ton of first-pass medium-fiber cotton, about $256 using the unofficial exchange rate. Against a backdrop of deteriorating agricultural infrastructure, soil degradation, and declining yields, the authorities are continuing to compensate for structural problems in the sector through the mobilization of state employees. According to the report, the system remains largely unchanged. Employees of schools, hospitals, utility services and cultural institutions are ordered either to participate personally in the cotton harvest or hire replacement workers using their own wages. Refusal, sources say, can result in dismissal, financial penalties, or other administrative consequences. Monitors also report the continued use of child labor. Although Turkmen law prohibits involving anyone under the age of 18 in cotton harvesting, poverty and quota pressure push some families to bring children into the fields. The harvested cotton subsequently enters international supply chains through third countries. Turkey and Pakistan remain the largest transit and processing hubs for Turkmen cotton products. According to the publication, Turkish enterprises alone imported $96.6 million worth of Turkmen cotton products in 2024, while Pakistani companies imported an additional $33.8 million. After processing, both raw materials and finished textile products are exported to European Union markets, including Italy, Poland, Portugal, and Bulgaria. International experts say this stage of the supply chain presents the greatest risks for global apparel brands. Despite commitments by more than 140 international companies to avoid Turkmen cotton, products made with such raw materials may still be entering the supply chains of some of the world’s largest clothing manufacturers. The government in Ashgabat continues to deny allegations of forced mobilization, insisting that participation in the cotton harvest is voluntary. However, according to the report, attempts by the International Labour Organization (ILO) to conduct independent monitoring during 2024-2025 were accompanied by route restrictions and carefully staged official demonstrations. International pressure on Turkmenistan’s cotton sector has nevertheless continued to increase. The United States banned imports of Turkmen cotton and cotton products in 2018. In addition, the EU’s Forced Labour Regulation is due to apply from December 2027, banning products made with forced labor from the EU market regardless of origin. Inside Turkmenistan, however, little appears to be changing for public-sector workers. The annual autumn cotton campaign remains a heavy burden for those forced...