Kazakhstan Opinions - The Times Of Central Asia

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Can Kazakhstan set an example for Central Asia’s key position in the global transition to green economy?

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text css="" woodmart_inline="no" text_larger="no"]If there is one Central Asian country that stood out during the COP 28 summit on climate change in Dubai in late 2023, it was Kazakhstan. Its pledges and initiatives – specifically regarding methane reductions, transition to renewable energy sources, and water security and cooperation – correspond overall to the country’s commitments to a green economy transition. More importantly, such signaling and posturing may have larger repercussions in a region of increasing geopolitical and economic importance, not the least because of its vast resources and potential in terms of growing transportation networks. *** First to consider is Kazakhstan’s announcement of a Methane Reduction Pledge which makes it part of a voluntary agreement known as the Global Methane Pledge to reduce methane emissions by 30 per cent by 2030. This is significant given that Kazakhstan is Central Asia's main oil producer as well as an important gas producer. Stressing the country’s dedication to reducing greenhouse emissions, and in alignment with international efforts to decrease non-CO2 climate super-pollutants, Kazakhstan’s President Kassym Jomart Tokayev acknowledged during his speech at COP28 that cutting methane emissions was the “quickest avenue to immediately slow the rate of global warming". This move earned him praise from the U.S. and the UK. President Joe Biden’s Special Envoy for Climate, John Kerry, issued a joint statement with Zulfiya Suleimenova, Tokayev’s Special Representative on International Environmental Cooperation, underlining the two countries’ “mutual readiness to accelerate the development and implementation of policies and projects to rapidly reduce methane emissions” over the next two years, particularly from the fossil energy industry. The U.S. also said it would work with partners “to mobilize investments to support achieving full methane mitigation potential in Kazakhstan’s oil and gas sector”, which it said will require “at least $1.4 billion in total spending through 2030.” Likewise, British Embassy in Astana posted on X (formerly known as Twitter), to give “Congratulations to President Tokayev and Kazakhstan for joining the Global Methane reduction Commitment at #COP28 in Dubai!”, adding that this was a “significant step towards a sustainable future.” Secondly, President Tokayev unveiled at COP28 an ambitious Joint Energy Transition Partnership (JETP) initiative for Kazakhstan, which will help make the country a key player in the global transition to renewable energy sources. This should be exciting news for people of Kazakhstan as their country is poised to be a major global supplier of critical minerals used in green technologies as the world decarbonises in the coming decades. A generally agreed list of these critical minerals often include lithium, cobalt and nickel (all used in the production of electric batteries), as well as rare earths (which include at least 17 elements such as neodymium, dysprosium and terbium that are necessary for magnets in wind turbines and electric vehicles), and silver (a key component for solar panel manufacturing). Kazakhstan holds the largest chrome ore reserves in the world and ranks first also in terms of their quality. It holds second place globally for uranium and silver reserves, and...

Opinion Head Uzbekistan Opinions Tajikistan Opinions Turkmenistan Opinions Opinions Kazakhstan Opinions Kyrgyzstan Opinions

Islamic Extremism in Central Asia: A Threat to Liberal Progress

Afghanistan earned its reputation as the “graveyard of empires” due to the significant toll exacted on foreign powers in their efforts to achieve military success in the country. This challenge was evident in the experiences of the British Empire, the Soviet Union, and, most recently, the United States. The persistent and decentralized nature of the country's tribal insurgency made achieving a definitive victory a formidable task. Furthermore, the adherence of groups harbored by the Taliban, such as Al Qaeda, to an extremist religious ideology spread terrorism globally, including in the 9/11 attacks as well as other deadly acts of violence in various parts of the world. While the United States arguably played a constructive role in modernizing Afghanistan, the establishment of democracy and Western values in the country proved to be an insurmountable challenge, even with over $100 billion in foreign aid. With heightened tensions between the Islamic and Western populations reignited in the Levant after the deadly Hamas attack on Israel on 7 October 2023, the threat of Afghanistan-based extremists redirecting their focus towards the West has intensified. Often overlooked is the fact that Salafists jihadists and other radical groups also pose a challenge to the emerging democracies in Central Asia as these Muslim-majority secular republics are seen as areas to spread their undemocratic and potentially violent influence. In this context, policies that may even inadvertently help promote illiberal religious movements threaten the region’s secular identity and the security of its peoples. We should assess Central Asia’s unique position on religious freedoms but also on jihadist threats For the large part, Western countries come from a privileged position of being able to resist the widespread influence from Islamic extremist movements at home thanks mainly to generations of democratic institution building as well as decent geographic distance to areas that would fall under pan-jihadist aspirations. Consider that there is no apparent threat of jihadists entirely displacing Western democratic institutions or imposing a pan-Islamist state encompassing parts of Western nations; most Western lands do not fall on areas some of these groups want to conquer to create an Islamic Caliphate. On the other hand, many other places, including Central Asia, still risk misconstruing the line between defending individual freedoms and combatting religious extremism. Here, the coexistence of extremist Islamic ideologies and democracy remains somewhat precarious. Islamic radicalism continues to pose a serious challenge to the emerging democracies of the region, where the secular republics are trying to keep a lid on certain hostile ideologies. Militant groups spilling over from Afghanistan and infiltrating post-Soviet countries want to spread jihad to the region and create an Islamic Khaganate stretching from Egypt to China. Pan-Islamist Salafists, such as Islamic State-Khorasan Province (ISKP) and Al Qaeda, have a clear goal to overthrow Central Asia’s secular regimes. Moreover, the determination of Salafists jihadists and other groups to spread their illiberal and violent struggle to Central Asia (including from neighboring Afghanistan) has become apparent through their growing presence in the region’s schools and other spheres of public...

Central Asia Opinion Head Uzbekistan Opinions Tajikistan Opinions Turkmenistan Opinions Opinions Kyrgyzstan Opinions Kazakhstan Opinions

Central Asia’s Growing Economic and Strategic Importance Comes to Fore

The Central Asian region has experienced a tremendous economic transformation since the beginning of the century. Its aggregate gross domestic product (GDP) now totals $397 billion, growing 8.6-fold since the year 2000. Its share in global GDP in purchasing power parity (PPP) has also increased 1.8 times. The GDP per capita has tripled as the labor pool has grown to almost 80 million, representing a 1.4-fold increase since 2000. The region’s strategic importance, particularly thanks to its geographic position bridging major economies of Europe and Asia, makes it a key player in geopolitical dynamics. Central Asia’s dependence on commodity exports and remittances has so far limited its integration into global value-chains. The Central Asia Regional Economic Co-operation (CAREC) Program, established by the Asian Development Bank (ADB), plays an important role in fostering regional development and co-operation. CAREC includes the five Central Asia countries (namely Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan) plus Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, China, Georgia, Mongolia and Pakistan. CAREC also partners with five multilateral international institutions in addition to the ADB (which serves as its Secretariat). These are the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD), International Monetary Fund (IMF), Islamic Development Bank (IsDB), United Nations Development Program (UNDP) and the World Bank (a.k.a. International Bank for Reconstruction and Development or IBRD). The Program has constructively helped the countries of Central Asia to address challenges in trade governance. Nevertheless, inefficiencies in cross-border transport and customs procedures continue to hinder their commercial exchanges with one another as well as with external partners. CAREC’s current policy-implementation priorities are integration of regional trade, digitization, climate change, regional co-operation, development of financial technologies and financing in the water sector. There is still significant potential for further development given that the region’s trade within itself has been growing faster than its foreign trade. Enhancing Central Asia’s role in the global economy will require the implementation of co-operative initiatives already identified, especially in infrastructure. Such construction of new physical plants, as well as the renovation and building-out of those that already exist, is crucial for enhancing economic growth and sustainability. This strategy will leverage the region’s strengths such as its strategic location and resource endowments. In 2023, Central Asia’s economic growth is projected to remain relatively steady at 3.9 percent, but this may still be affected by the global challenges of weak external demand, rising inflation and supply-chain disruptions. These global economic conditions, along with the uncertainties that they engender, reflect continuing burdens of the ongoing post-COVID recovery as well as the effects of the war in Ukraine, which significantly impacts the region. In addition to the ADB, the IBRD also focuses on various development initiatives in Central Asia that aim to support regional infrastructure development and the strengthening of cross-border co-operation. These are implemented through relatively low-profile initiatives such as the Central Asia Water and Energy Program (CAWEP) to enhance energy and water security and the Central Asia Hydrometeorology Modernization Project (CAHMP) to improve weather, climate and hydrological services. The IBRD thus aims to increase...