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Opinion: The Ukraine-Russia Peace Talks Need Multiple Platforms for Negotiations

The proposed Istanbul meeting between Zelensky and Putin on May 15 did not take place, with no Russian ministers attending the talks Putin himself had called for, leading Zelensky to describe the Russian delegation as "phony". Hopes for peace remain, however, as other stakeholders have expressed their eagerness to support a resolution. With its unique geopolitical position as a bridge between Europe and Asia, Turkey was an obvious choice to host the negotiations. While Turkey has sought to maintain balanced relations throughout the conflict, its provision of military support to Ukraine, including drones, has complicated its image as a neutral party. Despite this, as a NATO member with significant energy partnerships with Russia, Turkey serves as a crucial intermediary. Furthermore, its active role in initiatives like the Black Sea Grain Agreement has reinforced its credibility in international diplomacy. Turkey’s continued involvement, therefore, benefits not only the peace process but also its own economic and strategic interests. Turkey is not the only stakeholder on the periphery of Russia, however; Kazakhstan is also well-positioned to contribute to the peace negotiations. Kazakhstan’s shared history with Russia and Ukraine as former Soviet republics has shaped mutual economic and security frameworks, rooted in decades of centralized governance and cooperation. The continued use of the Russian language as one medium of communication across these nations underscores intertwined cultural and historical links. Kazakhstan’s relationship with Russia spans centuries, marked by alliances, trade, and cultural exchange, further deepening ties beyond the Soviet era. In recent years, Kazakhstan has diversified its alliances through its multi-vector foreign policy. It has forged strong relationships with China, the U.S., the EU, and organizations like the SCO and EAEU while cultivating robust economic ties. Its energy sector has attracted major foreign investors such as Chevron, ExxonMobil, and Shell. By hosting peace talks and global summits, Kazakhstan has established itself as a neutral mediator, balancing traditional ties with Russia while expanding its global influence. Kazakhstan also has an impressive record in terms of peace negotiations. President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev hosted pivotal talks in Almaty in 2024 between Armenia and Azerbaijan, addressing over three decades of conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh. Kazakhstan also played a key role in facilitating the 2018 agreement on the Caspian Sea’s legal status, which resolved disputes over resources and territorial boundaries. The country hosted multiple rounds of Syrian peace talks starting in Astana in 2017, bringing together the Syrian government, opposition groups, and international stakeholders, including Russia and Turkey. Similarly, it provided a platform for the Iran nuclear talks in 2013 and supported the 2015 Iran nuclear deal. Kazakhstan’s neutrality and commitment to diplomacy have earned it credibility as a Middle Power in fostering agreements on contentious issues. Additionally, Kazakhstan hosted the 2010 OSCE Summit that led to the adoption of the Astana Declaration. This reaffirmed the Helsinki Principles on peace, security, and cooperation from Vancouver to Vladivostok. It represented a critical collective commitment to territorial integrity, sovereignty, and human rights since the dissolution of the USSR. The summit underscored Kazakhstan’s role in...

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Slippery Slope: How Falling Oil Prices Threaten Kazakhstan’s Energy Giant

With global oil markets in flux and prices dipping below $70 per barrel, Kazakhstan’s state oil company faces mounting financial strain. If KazMunayGas (KMG) fails to adapt, it risks edging toward a fiscal cliff. Yet, political constraints, exacerbated by the ongoing specter of potential social unrest, have hindered the company’s ability to implement reforms. OPEC+ Fuels Market Uncertainty The global oil market is entering a new period of turbulence reminiscent of the pandemic era. Despite prolonged efforts by OPEC+ to manage output and stabilize prices, the alliance’s fragile consensus unraveled this April, when Saudi Arabia and Russia led an unexpected increase in production, undermining earlier commitments and tipping the market into oversupply. Meanwhile, U.S. shale producers have continued to expand their output and export aggressively, squeezing traditional suppliers out of lucrative Asian markets. A decelerating Chinese economy, the world’s largest oil importer, adds further downward pressure. As a result, Brent crude fell below $70 per barrel in early May and briefly traded under $65. For Kazakhstan, where oil exports are a key source of budgetary and foreign exchange income, this trend spells trouble, and KMG is particularly exposed. The “Black Hole” in KMG’s Finances Public data shows that KMG’s production costs vary from $40 to $70 per barrel, depending on the field. However, factoring in transportation, taxes, and social obligations, the real breakeven point nears $90 per barrel. Aging infrastructure in the Mangistau region, reliant on constant technical upkeep and subsidies, only adds to the burden. KMG’s debt load compounds the challenge. At the end of 2024, its total debt exceeded 4 trillion tenge ($7.87 billion). With export revenues dwindling, debt servicing is becoming untenable. Even short-term dips to $60-65 per barrel could have systemic consequences, stalling new investments, triggering layoffs, and slashing social spending. A key drain is OzenMunayGas (OMG), KMG’s subsidiary in Zhanaozen, where production costs reportedly hit $90 per barrel. “OzenMunayGas exemplifies how populism, inflated promises, and stagnant reforms can turn a major asset into a financial sinkhole,” Arman Bataev, a former internal auditor at KMG has stated. On his Telegram channel, Finmentor.kz, Bataev warned that a $90 production cost versus Brent at $59 is “not a temporary hardship but a dead end.” OMG required 30 billion KZT in financial aid last year, and Bataev predicts it may require 60-70 billion KZT in 2025. KMG Downplays Risks KazMunayGas officials maintain that the company is “prepared for all scenarios” and holds “sufficient reserves.” At a May press briefing, Deputy Chairman Aset Magauov emphasized that 70% of KMG’s output is sold domestically, insulating it somewhat from global price volatility. “Analysts expect prices to average $65 per barrel this year, but forecasts are inherently uncertain,” Magauov said. “We have contingency plans and cost-optimization measures ready. We are equipped to handle price fluctuations.” Magauov also noted that domestic oil prices are lower than export prices, and products like gasoline and diesel, refined at KMG’s three facilities, are now sold at market rates following the end of state price controls. He added...

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Victory Day Diplomacy: Central Asia’s Balancing Act and Putin’s Diminished Spotlight

Every year, Moscow’s Red Square transforms into a stage for one of Russia's most celebrated traditions: Victory Day, an event which marks the Soviet Union’s triumph over Nazi Germany in World War II. Yet, as tanks roll through the cobblestone streets and military bands echo under the Kremlin walls, the occasion feels more heavily laden with geopolitical undertones than historical reminiscence these days. Against the backdrop of ongoing conflicts and shifting alliances, the presence of Central Asian leaders at this year’s event speaks to the region’s delicate relationship with the Russian Federation. But the question remains: amidst the pomp and circumstance, is there much for Vladimir Putin to celebrate? Central Asia’s Careful Balancing Act The attendance of Central Asian leaders at the Victory Day parade is a striking show of diplomatic choreography. On the surface, their presence will underscore the shared historical legacy of the Soviet era, when the sacrifices of the Central Asian republics contributed to the Allied victory in the Second World War. However, a more pragmatic lens reveals a balancing act that defines the region’s foreign policy. The region finds itself at the crossroads of global powers vying for influence in Central Asia. While Moscow leans on historical ties and cultural commonalities to retain its sway, Beijing’s economic clout continues to reshape the region’s trade networks and infrastructure projects. Meanwhile, as the inaugural EU-Central Asia Summit attests to, the European Union is eager to expand its reach, whilst hungry for Rare Earth Elements in which the region is rich, the U.S. is waiting in the wings. For Central Asian leaders, participating in Victory Day celebrations signals a nod to Russia’s historic role but also keeps the door open for economic and security cooperation. Amidst the shifting architecture of global politics, their diplomatic strategy remains one of pragmatism, seeking benefits from multiple partners while avoiding any over-alignment. What Does Russia Gain from the Optics? The presence of 29 leaders from across the globe – including Chinese President Xi Jinping - offers Moscow valuable optics at a time when its international relationships face significant strain. Last year, only nine attended. Isolated by Western sanctions over the invasion of Ukraine and with much of the world’s media painting Russia as cut off from the global stage, the impression of a united front with Central Asia helps the Kremlin portray the opposite. Victory Day, therefore, becomes a geopolitical tool, with the attendance of Central Asian leaders enabling Putin to send a message of shared unity within Russia’s historical sphere of influence. It tells both domestic and international audiences that Moscow retains significant allies, reinforcing the image of resilience despite ongoing challenges. How Much Does Moscow Truly Celebrate? The Victory Day parade is an event that is watched by an estimated three-quarters of the Russian public, drumming up patriotism as the state seeks to become the custodian of collective memory. Behind the spectacle, however, signs of disquiet are proving hard to ignore. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has disrupted trade and migration flows...

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Opinion – Central Asia’s Looming Water Crisis: A Ticking Time Bomb

When people think of Central Asia, they often picture vast deserts, ancient Silk Road cities, and oil pipelines stretching to distant markets. Yet the region’s most urgent and combustible resource is not buried underground — it flows above it. Water, or more precisely the lack of it, is rapidly becoming the defining fault line of Central Asia’s future. For decades, the five Central Asian republics have tiptoed around a growing water crisis. The two major rivers that sustain life in this arid region, the Amu Darya and the Syr Darya, are now so contested and depleted that what was once a technical issue has metastasized into a geopolitical threat. The region's major rivers, the Amu Darya and the Syr Darya are under immense pressure, threatening agriculture, livelihoods, and regional stability. At the heart of the crisis is a tragic irony. The upstream countries, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, are rich in water but poor in energy and cash. They need to release water in winter to generate hydropower. Downstream nations, particularly Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, want water stored until the summer to irrigate vast cotton and wheat fields. The result? Mutual distrust, occasional diplomatic spats, and an accelerating race to dam, divert, and hoard water in a region already gasping under the weight of climate change. A Region Parched Central Asia annually utilizes over 60 billion cubic meters of water for irrigation from the Amu Darya and Syr Darya basins. However, recent years have seen a decline in river flows, with the actual flow of the Syr Darya being 20–23% less than the norm. Further, the ghost of the Aral Sea — a once-thriving inland lake that has now shrunk by over 90% in its volume and 74 % in surface area — serves as a haunting reminder of the cost of mismanagement. The Soviet legacy of excessive irrigation has morphed into a post-Soviet scramble for control, where water is not just a tool of survival but a lever of power. This desiccation has transformed the region, leading to the emergence of the Aralkum Desert and causing severe ecological and health issues. Climate Change Intensifies the Crisis Climate change is exacerbating water scarcity in Central Asia. A recent study revealed that an extreme heatwave in March 2025, with temperatures soaring 5 to 10°C above pre-industrial levels, was significantly amplified by global warming. Such temperature surges accelerate glacier melt and increase evaporation rates, further reducing water availability. By some estimates, Central Asia could lose over 30% of its freshwater resources by 2050. Yet, rather than galvanize cooperation, this existential threat has sparked more competition. International efforts have largely fallen flat. The International Fund for Saving the Aral Sea (IFAS), the region’s main water cooperation body, is riddled with inefficiencies and lacks enforcement power. External actors like China and Russia have their own interests, often deepening the regional divide rather than healing it. Inefficient Water Management Inefficient agricultural practices remain one of the most profound and persistent contributors to water mismanagement across Central Asia. In...

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Unlocking Potential: Education Reform Necessary for Central Asia’s Economic Rise

Central Asian countries have made remarkable progress in providing universal access to education, showcasing their commitment to developing their human capital. According to recent data, the region boasts impressive enrolment rates, with students averaging 12.6 years of primary and secondary education — nearing the maximum limit of 14 years. Even more striking is that approximately 40% of young adults successfully graduate from universities, exceeding the global average of 31%, and private education in the region is also growing competitively, with the number of higher education institutions in particular doubling in the last two to five years, reflecting the region's commitment to higher education. Despite the significant strides made in access to education and levels of academic achievement, a disconcerting trend is emerging: students' academic performance is declining. This troubling shift becomes apparent through the diminishing scores recorded on standardized assessments, most notably the Program for International Student Assessment (PISA), which gauges the competencies of 15-year-olds globally. Over the last decade, the decline in math scores among Central Asian students has been particularly alarming, reflecting a staggering regression equivalent to the loss of an entire year of formal schooling. This deterioration in academic performance raises critical concerns, as it jeopardizes not only the prospects of these students but the whole region's broader economic potential and workforce capabilities. The implications of such a decline are profound, threatening to undermine the foundation of growth and innovation that education is meant to support. Mental arithmetic is traditionally defined as the ability to perform precise calculations without any reliance on external tools such as paper, pencils, mechanical calculators, or computers. This skill, widely known is crucial in a child's mathematical education and development. In Central Asia, mental arithmetic has gained immense popularity as an educational approach, particularly targeting children between the ages of 4 and 16. This method emphasizes the cultivation of mental calculation skills through various engaging tools, with the abacus being one of the most prominent. Instead of depending solely on written calculations or electronic devices, this approach aims to enhance a child’s cognitive abilities, fostering essential skills such as mental retention, focus, and practical problem-solving strategies. Moreover, it instills confidence in their mathematical capabilities while nurturing a genuine appreciation for the subject. By mastering mental arithmetic, students improve their mathematical prowess and gain significant advantages — especially for those aspiring to enter fields such as policymaking that rely heavily on Information technology, science, statistics, and economics. While modern technology has introduced tools like calculators and sophisticated spreadsheets to handle complex computations, the benefits of proficient mental math skills are undeniable. Such skills can significantly enhance a policymaker’s efficiency, accuracy, and decision-making capabilities in various real-world scenarios. Here are some reasons why these skills are crucial: Faster Data Analysis and Estimations Economists often deal with large datasets, percentages, and financial projections. Mental arithmetic helps them quickly estimate trends, identify errors, and make fast decisions without always relying on tools. Improved Problem-Solving and Logical Thinking Mental math strengthens the brain’s cognitive flexibility, helping economists...

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How Tokayev’s Kazakhstan Bridges Global Powers

Amid the ongoing reshaping of the global order, Kazakhstan is seeking to enhance its role as an emerging middle power. Preserving strong relations with all key geopolitical actors, strengthening its position as a de facto leader in Central Asia, and developing closer ties with other influential states on the world stage appear to be Astana’s top foreign policy priorities. The largest Central Asian state is one of the few countries that maintains good relations with geopolitical rivals such as China and the United States, as well as Russia and the European Union. At the same time, Astana is actively developing closer ties with the Turkey-led Organization of Turkic States, while firmly upholding its longstanding commitment to international law. It is, therefore, no surprise that, during the recently held EU- Central Asia summit in Samarkand, Kazakhstan, along with Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, backed two UN resolution from the 1980s that reject the unilaterally-declared independence of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and deem all secessionist actions there legally invalid. Such a policy perfectly aligns with Kazakhstan President’s Kassym-Jomart Tokayev’s 2022 statement, in which he affirmed Astana’s non-recognition of Taiwan, Kosovo, South Ossetia, or Abkhazia, and the entities he described as quasi-states, namely Luhansk and Donetsk. “In general, it has been calculated that if the right of nations to self-determination is actually realized throughout the globe, then instead of the 193 states that are now members of the UN, more than 500 or 600 states will emerge on Earth. Of course, it will be chaos,” Tokayev stressed. In other words, Kazakhstan upholds the principle of territorial integrity for all UN-member states, a stance similar to China’s policy. Despite their history of often supporting the right to self-determination over the principle of territorial integrity, Russia and the West do not seem to oppose Tokayev’s approach. As a result, the President of Kazakhstan remains one of the few world leaders who can attend the May 9 Victory Day parade in Moscow, regularly meet with EU officials, and participate in China-led initiatives. As the first Central Asian leader to speak with newly elected U.S. President Donald Trump in December 2024, Tokayev is also signaling his intention to deepen relations with the United States. All these actions demonstrate that, for Kazakhstan under Tokayev, the well-known multi-vector foreign policy remains without an alternative at this point. Although it is Nursultan Nazarbayev, Kazakhstan’s first president, who initiated this approach, it is Tokayev who has been actively implementing it since he came to power in 2019. That, however, does not mean that "multivectorism" has become Astana’s official ideology. It is rather a tool the energy-rich nation’s policymakers are using to improve their country’s position in the international arena. Nowhere is that more obvious than at the Astana International Forum – an annual summit taking place in Kazakhstan’s capital – where leaders from diverse countries, often with differing goals and values, come together to discuss global challenges, foster dialogue, and seek common ground. The fact that this year Astana will host...