Kazakhstan Opinions - The Times Of Central Asia

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Social Researcher: Serious Effort Required for Women’s Representation in Kazakh Politics

According to Gulmira Ileuova, a sociologist and the head of the Strategy Centre for Social and Political Research, gender equality in Kazakhstan has severely deteriorated. In an interview with TCA, she explains how social regression and a depletion of human resources are making it difficult for women to participate in political parties, social movements, and public services. TCA: Sources illustrate that after the 2023 parliamentary elections, the representation of women deputies in the Majilis fell from 27% to 18%. In addition, Kazakhstan's performance in the Global Gender Gap Index (GGGI) has deteriorated. This year, the country fell from 62nd to 76th place. This index, which can be used to judge the economy's stability and legal security, has a serious impact on investors. What, in your opinion, is the reason for this deterioration? First of all, I would like to point out that until 2021, the Labor Code had restrictions on where women could work based on concerns about their health. Now that the restrictions have been lifted, progress is steadily being made in involving women in areas previously inaccessible to them. Some companies have already published data that women have begun operating heavy machinery, such as big trucks, which was not the case before. As for politics and the civil service, it appears that under the spread of influence from the south, the country is reinstating traditional social relations. Independent Kazakhstan has entered a new period where traditional and non-traditional forms of Islam thrive, and hyper-masculine and patriarchal attitudes are on the rise. I emphasize the patriarchal division of life through reinforced gender roles because it is gaining strength and spreading across all regions of the country. Furthermore, this trend is moving into the sphere of politics and civil services. Let's take a look at what preceded these trends. In many regions, primarily in the south, there is a huge number of women who wishing to undertake the important work of reproduction, were receiving TSA (targeted social assistance). According to statistics in 2019, there were 2 million and 221 thousand recipients of TSA (about 12% of the population). Today, their number has decreased six fold to about 350 thousand. These numbers include women who thought they would bypass employment through state support systems. And now these women are in trouble. The state is revising its social policy, but the paternalistic trend has long been developing and a large number of people have abused it. TCA: Are you saying that women, in receipt of child allowances, prefer to stay at home as opposed to actively entering economic relations or aspiring to participate in civil services or politics? Yes, and I am afraid that this trend cannot be overcome by quick measures or be alleviated by even quotas for women. In a 'strategy' study conducted by the Center for Social and Political Research in the Turkestan region, an official working in gender policy said that at some point, the political representation of women fell to 5%. There were actually no women in...

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Why Does Energy-Rich Kazakhstan Want Tajikistan’s Uranium?

Despite having significant uranium resources, Tajikistan does not plan to build a nuclear plant anytime soon, if it all. Quite aware of that, Kazakhstan – Dushanbe’s ally in the Russian-dominated Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) – is reportedly eyeing Tajikistan’s uranium. But why? "I would rather earn a profit from the resources of others than my own," John D. Rockefeller, a prominent industrialist, is often paraphrased as saying. Policymakers in Astana could soon begin implementing such a strategy in regard to uranium. Kazakhstan is the largest producer of natural uranium worldwide. In 2022, the energy-rich nation produced the largest share of uranium from mines (43% of world supply), followed by Canada (15%) and Namibia (11%) (ref). In spite of that, Astana could eventually start purchasing the radioactive element from Tajikistan. On August 22, following Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev’s visit to Dushanbe, the Tajik Rare-Earth Metals Company, TajRedMet, and Kazakhstan’s national atomic company, Kazatomprom, signed a memorandum of understanding and cooperation in the extraction and processing of uranium and rare-earth metals. Signing such a protocol aligns with Astana’s ambitions to build a nuclear power plant in the country. In that context, Kazatomprom – the world's largest uranium producer – is likely seeking to play an active role in producing uranium fuel for the proposed nuclear plant. Given the global resurgence of nuclear energy and the ensuing “race for uranium,” Kazatomprom is keen to assess the current status of Tajikistan's uranium reserves, and, if feasible, expand its resource base. Uranium is considered one of the main natural resources of Tajikistan. It is believed that the first atomic bomb developed by the Soviet Union contained raw materials from Tajikistan. But after the collapse of the USSR, uranium mining was curtailed in the mountainous country. According to various estimates, 14% of the world's reserves of uranium are located on the territory of the landlocked country of around 10 million people. But compared to other nations, Tajikistan does not have significant uranium mining operations, meaning its uranium deposits remain underdeveloped. However, the fact that Russian companies are interested in exploration and mining of uranium in the Tajikistan suggests that Kazatomprom might have serious competition. It is entirely possible that other foreign corporations will also eventually join the “race for uranium” in Tajikistan. Meanwhile, Kazakhstan will almost certainly be inclined to consolidate its own uranium market. In terms of uranium production in the largest Central Asian state, the Russian State Nuclear Energy Corporation Rosatom is the leader due to its shares in five enterprises operating in Kazakhstan. Since Astana aims to develop closer ties with the West, it is no surprise that France is looking to strengthen its position in the energy-rich country, particularly in its nuclear and uranium sectors. Russia and China are unlikely to give up easily on their ambitions to preserve their influence in the Central Asian nation, however. In 2022, Kazakhstan exported around half of its uranium to China. From January to October 2023, Astana shipped uranium worth $922.7 million to the...

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Kazakhstan as an Emerging Middle Power

Earlier this year, the Paris-based Institut Montaigne and the Berlin-based Institute of Security and International Affairs separately published studies identifying Kazakhstan as a significant "middle power". They correctly make the case that Kazakhstan, leveraging its vast natural resources, particularly in energy, and a multi-vector foreign policy, has positioned itself as a key player in regional and global affairs. A middle power is a state wielding significant regional influence and influencing international affairs through diplomacy, economic strength, and strategic alliances, but which is not a superpower. With relatively stable political systems, growing economies, and proactive foreign policies, these states frequently act as mediators or bridge-builders in global conflicts. At the same time, they can pursue their own interests efficiently through a combination of soft power and multi-lateralism to balance relationships amongst external powers. To be a middle power, a nation should also demonstrate resilience, adaptability, and a commitment to international norms. Since gaining independence in 1991, Kazakhstan has attracted substantial foreign investment, leveraging its vast energy resources to build a robust economy, and using this to enhance its regional and global influence. Its geographical position makes it a key player in Central Asia. The country's leadership pioneered the "multi-vector" foreign policy that has become a model for many nations seeking to balance relations with major powers. Kazakhstan’s contributions to global nuclear non-proliferation have further solidified its status as a rising middle power. Its foreign-policy strategy deploys a careful balancing act between larger global powers and regional neighbors. Thus, its multi-vector approach allows it to maintain strong ties with Russia, China, and the West, while avoiding over-dependence on any single partner. The country participates in organizations like the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Organization of Turkic States while also pursuing relationships with the European Union and the United States. This strategy secures Kazakhstan's sovereignty while enhancing its role as a mediator in international conflicts. Since independence, the country has taken the lead in promoting regional integration, energy cooperation, and security, often acting as a mediator in regional disputes. Its leadership roles in regional organizations and initiatives represent a recognition of its efforts to foster stability and economic development in the region. Kazakhstan’s championing of regional cooperation and the “demonstration effect” of its model of political and economic stability have reinforced its position as a leader in Central Asia. Kazakhstan has actively engaged in various international initiatives that bolster its reputation as a responsible and influential middle power. Notably, the country has played a pivotal role in global nuclear non-proliferation, voluntarily relinquishing its Soviet-era nuclear arsenal and advocating for disarmament through platforms like the Conference on Interaction and Confidence-Building Measures in Asia (CICA). Kazakhstan has also hosted peace talks, such as the Astana Process for Syria, and contributed to UN peacekeeping missions. These initiatives reflect Kazakhstan’s commitment to global stability, positioning it as a proactive player in international diplomacy and a respected advocate for the peaceful resolution of conflicts. Kazakhstan's internal reform agenda is crucial for its continued growth and its evolving role...

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Special Report: Prospects Look Good for Kazakh Wheat Exports

According to the International Grains Council, Kazakhstan's wheat harvest for the 2024/2025 season is expected to reach 16 million tons. As the harvesting campaign begins, the country's lack of elevator capacity and the problem of mainline railroads are concerns. Idle trains are still a problem, which leads to the introduction of regular restrictions and bans on the acceptance and shipment of wheat due to congestion on the railroad. Market participants note that the railroad cannot cope with the volume of shipments during the autumn rush, with its infrastructural ceiling on shipments at only 1 million tons of grain per month. This leads to a collapse at border railroad crossings and, consequently, a price drop in the domestic market. One obvious solution is to expand Kazakhstan's elevator capacity and grain storage facilities; this is one of the reasons for the increased load on the railroad infrastructure. Thus, according to the Ministry of Agriculture, 191 licensed grain-receiving enterprises have a total storage capacity of more than 13.2 million tons. In addition, agricultural producers have storage capacities for 15.8 million tons of grain, which, as the ministry assures, is enough to store grain considering the projected harvest. Also, according to the ministry, the construction of new grain storage facilities and the expansion of existing ones are envisaged. In 2024-2026, it plans to operate five granaries with a capacity of 30,200 tons. The national railway company Kazakhstan Temir Zholy (KTZ) has already established a grain headquarters, involving representatives from local executive bodies, the National Chamber of Entrepreneurs "Atameken," and shippers. This headquarters ensures adequate transportation for the upcoming season's harvest. As Salamat Abzhaliyev, Deputy General Director for Marketing and Planning of KTZ-Gruzovye Transportations LLP, noted during the briefing held at the end of August, for seven months of the current year, the total volume of grain loading on the network of railroads of the country amounted to 4.7 million tons. Only in Kazakhstan did wheat transportation increase by 3%, amounting to 1.1 million tons. An important factor affecting the efficiency of transporting grain and milling products is the availability of specialized wagons. In addition to boxcars, grain carriers are designed to transport these specific cargoes. Today, the total fleet of boxcars and grain cars on the railroad is about 16,000 and 12,000, respectively. According to KTZ, this fleet is sufficient to fulfill all agreed transportation plans. According to forecasts of the International Grain Council, the export of Kazakhstani wheat in the 2024/2025 season is projected at 10 million tons. During the first six months of the year, 2.4 million tons of wheat have already been shipped. The main buyers of domestic grain are traditionally Uzbekistan, China, Tajikistan, Italy, and Afghanistan. Grain exports to China have grown 5.7 times in the last three years, which makes China a key export destination. China is ready to accept large volumes of grain from Kazakhstan. Today, the country buys about 10 million tons of wheat worldwide, including from Kazakhstan. However, further development of trade is constrained by limited transportation...

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As Kazakhstan Marks Constitution Day, What Does the Occasion Really Symbolize?

Kazakhstan marks Constitution Day on August 30, an event inaugurated by the country’s second and current president, Kassym-Jomart Tokayev. The day has taken on a new meaning since the events of January 2022, when a violent coup-attempt challenged Tokayev’s authority and caused deadly destruction in the nation. Since then, the country has adopted various democratic and economic reforms. Most significantly, key amendments to the country’s constitution were adopted following a national referendum in 2022. One of the main changes was to limit the president’s time in office to a single seven-year term and banning consecutive terms. In 2022, Tokayev was re-elected under the new rules and his presidential term will now expire in 2029. The first constitution of independent Kazakhstan was adopted in January 1993 and was based on the model of a parliamentary republic. It incorporated laws on sovereignty, the independence of the state, the Kazakh language as the state language, the president as head of state, and identified the country’s judicial bodies as the Supreme Court, Constitutional Court, and Higher Arbitration Court. The current constitution was then adopted on 30 August 1995 through a national referendum. It was amended in 1998, 2007, 2011, 2017, and 2019. The most significant changes, however, took place in the above-mentioned referendum after the mass unrests of January 2022. On May 5, 2022, Tokayev announced a referendum on amendments “to transition to a new state model, a new format of interaction between the state and society … from a super-presidential form of government to a presidential republic with an influential parliament and an accountable government.” The referendum was held on June 5, 2022, and 77% of the people supported the changes. Overall, 33 articles of the current constitution were amended. Today’s celebrations mark this new and improved constitution that represents a significant step in the path forward for Tokayev’s New Kazakhstan

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Balancing Regional Integration Amid Global Rivalries

Central Asia has become a focal point for world and regional powers such as China, Russia, the European Union, the United States, and Turkey. Amid geopolitical uncertainty and a shifting global order, regional cooperation seems to be a top priority for Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan in their foreign policy. The problem, however, is that the absence of a unified regional identity among Central Asian nations poses a major obstacle to their ambitions to strengthen regional integrations. They have different views on their regional identity due to their unique cultures, histories, politics, and economies. But in spite of that, on June 9, in the Kazakh capital of Astana, leaders of the five Central Asian countries gathered to discuss closer economic cooperation, stability and security in the region. They sought to expand ties in trade, industry, transport and logistics, energy, agriculture, as well as in the water management. As a result of the summit, regional leaders signed several key agreements, including the Roadmap for development of regional cooperation for 2025-2027, as well as the Conceptual framework of development of regional cooperation Central Asia 2040. These documents indicate that the regional integration will be a long-term process that will last for decades. In the meantime, Central Asian states will almost certainly continue strengthening bilateral ties. The Consultative Meetings of the leaders of Central Asian countries gave Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan another opportunity to deepen cooperation in various fields. The two nations, who signed an agreement on allied relations in 2022, announced their plans to adopt a strategic partnership program until 2034, and also to jointly launch several big economic and energy project. Prior to the meeting in Astana, presidents of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan held talks with Azerbaijani leader Ilham Aliyev. They were also scheduled to meet with Japanese Prime Minister Kishida Fumio, but he canceled his visit to Astana after the Japan Meteorological Agency issued a warning of a potential earthquake in the Nankai Trough. Unlike him, Josep Borrell, Vice-President of the European Commission and High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, visited Central Asia in early August. He traveled to Kazakhstan and neighboring Kyrgyzstan– a country that signed the Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement with the European Union on June 25. Although both nations are members of the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), and the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) Moscow’s preoccupation with the war in Ukraine has allowed other actors, including the European Union, to strengthen its presence in the strategically important region. While the EU’s goals in Central Asia are mainly related to energy, Japan’s plans to expand cooperation with the five regional countries serve as Tokyo’s strategic tool to counterbalance China's growing influence in the region. Azerbaijan, on the other hand, seeks to create a strategic energy bridge linking Central Asia and Europe via the South Caucasus. That is why Baku’s collaboration with Central Asian countries in the energy sector has become more crucial than ever. It is no surprise...