Kyrgyzstan - The Times Of Central Asia

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Russia's War in Ukraine

Over 12,600 Central Asians Identified in Russian Army

A Ukrainian state initiative has identified nearly 13,000 citizens from Central Asia who have signed contracts with Russia’s Defense Ministry and have served or are serving in the Russian army, according to data released by the “I Want to Live” project as part of the Ukraine-Central Asia Inquiry. As of 2026, the project reports it holds personal data on 12,666 individuals from the region. Uzbekistan accounts for the largest share, with 4,853 identified citizens. Tajikistan ranks second with 3,407 individuals, followed by Kazakhstan with 2,389 and Kyrgyzstan with at least 1,439. Turkmenistan has the lowest figure, with 578 identified nationals. The figures represent a sharp increase compared to 2025, when the same project reported around 5,740 individuals from Central Asia. At that time, it also began publishing named lists of recruits from each country who had joined Russia’s war in Ukraine. The issue remains sensitive across the region. Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan prohibit their citizens from taking part in foreign conflicts, and several cases have been brought against individuals who returned after fighting abroad. Last year, speaking at the St. Petersburg International Legal Forum, Alexander Bastrykin, Chairman of the Investigative Committee of Russia, said authorities had identified 80,000 individuals who had avoided military registration. “We’ve registered them for military service, and about 20,000 of these ‘new’ Russian citizens, who for some reason no longer want to live in Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, or Kyrgyzstan, are now on the front lines,” he said at the time. His remarks highlighted ongoing efforts to replenish military ranks, including through contract-based recruitment and incentives. Observers say such measures, alongside migration trends, may help explain the rising number of Central Asian nationals identified in the conflict.

Regional Ecological Summit

Regional Ecological Summit to Open in Astana Amid Pressure on Water, Trade, and Regional Cooperation

When the Regional Ecological Summit (RES 2026) opens in Astana this Wednesday, the official framing will center on Shared Vision for a Resilient Future, combining practical regional solutions with diplomatic ambitions that include a Joint Declaration and a 2026-2030 Program of Action. Behind that language sits a harder reality. Water and energy officials in Tashkent, Bishkek, and Astana are dealing with a region which is drying out faster than its infrastructure and politics are adapting. That gives the summit a sharper edge than earlier environmental gatherings. Two issues stand out: the management of winter water-sharing arrangements ahead of the irrigation season, and the way the shrinking Caspian could constrain the Middle Corridor. The Toktogul Equation: A Fragile "Winter-for-Summer" Swap The most immediate point of pressure is the Toktogul Reservoir in Kyrgyzstan. In late 2025, an agreement was reached under which Kyrgyzstan would limit winter hydropower generation, preserving water for downstream Kazakh and Uzbek farmers, in exchange for electricity supplies from its neighbors. The arrangement remains in place, but its durability will be tested as summer demand rises. One question hanging over the summit is whether Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan will provide enough power support to help Kyrgyzstan conserve water without reopening old upstream-downstream tensions. For downstream states, that is not only a water issue but an agricultural and political one. The Caspian Emergency: Depth as a Trade Barrier For years, the shallowing of the Caspian was treated as a long-term problem. In 2026, it is becoming an operational one. According to recent reporting, Aktau port is operating at an average depth of 4.5 meters, far below the 6.5 to 7 meters needed for full operations. The summit will also highlight the Integrated Management of Seascapes project. The UNDP-linked initiative is intended to balance the need for dredging and port access with protection of the northern Caspian’s fragile ecosystem. That tension is no longer theoretical. It now touches trade, shipping capacity, and the future of the corridor itself. The Digital Transition One of the summit’s more concrete strands is the National Water Resources Information System. According to the Kazakh government, the system is to enter industrial operation by the end of 2026. The plan is to automate 103 irrigation canals in southern Kazakhstan using $1.15 billion in financing from the Islamic Development Bank. The broader regional test is whether neighboring states will share enough data to support a cross-border water monitoring system, giving officials a clearer view of how shared resources are being managed. The Green Energy Corridor Alongside the water agenda, the Green Energy Corridor remains one of the projects that clearly aligns Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, and Uzbekistan. The plan is to transmit green electricity to Europe via a subsea cable across the Caspian. CESI is finalizing the feasibility study, pointing to an export model that leans less on hydrocarbons and more on regional infrastructure. It also shows how environmental pressure and economic strategy are starting to overlap. For Central Asian governments, climate policy is no longer only about adaptation. It is...

Regional Ecological Summit

Kazakhstan’s Regional Ecological Summit 2026: What It Is and Why It Matters

Kazakhstan’s Regional Ecological Summit 2026 in Astana on April 22-24 is aiming to turn Central Asia’s environmental strain into a regional political agenda. Organized in partnership with the United Nations, the summit is built around the theme, “Shared Vision for a Resilient Future.” Its stated purpose is to bring together governments, international organizations, lenders, businesses, researchers, and civil society to push for joint and practical responses to climate and ecological pressures across the region. President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev first proposed hosting a regional climate summit in Kazakhstan under UN auspices during his 2023 speech at the 78th session of the UN General Assembly. By 2026, that idea had broadened into a wider environmental summit covering climate transition, adaptation, food security, natural resource management, air pollution, waste, finance, and environmental skills. The official key thematic directions show that this is no longer a narrowly framed climate conference. It is being presented as a broader Central Asian platform for ecological cooperation. In Central Asia, ecological stress now shapes core state concerns, from farming and energy to public health and cross-border cooperation. That gives the Astana summit a broader role than a standard environment conference. That shift reflects real regional pressures. Central Asia faces chronic water stress, glacier retreat, desertification, air pollution, and growing strain on ecosystems. The summit’s organizers say the meeting is meant to produce joint solutions rather than another round of abstract pledges. The UN in Kazakhstan says the summit is expected to advance shared regional responses and identify green financing needs, while a second UN page states that one planned outcome is a Joint Declaration by the heads of state of Central Asia, alongside a 2026-2030 Programme of Action developed with the United Nations. Tokayev’s own language explains the summit’s pitch. On August 5, 2025, speaking at the Third United Nations Conference on Landlocked Developing Countries in Awaza, Turkmenistan, he said, “Many developing countries without access to the sea are facing water scarcity, glacier melt, desertification, and other extreme weather events. Addressing these challenges requires coordinated regional efforts and strong international support. At the same time, I believe that measures to combat climate change must remain balanced and inclusive, and respond to the legitimate development needs of countries. To strengthen our joint efforts in addressing climate change, I invite you to the Regional Ecological Summit, which will be held in Astana in partnership with the United Nations.” The wording shows how Kazakhstan wants to frame the event. Central Asia’s environmental problems cross borders, but the response, in Tokayev’s view, must also accommodate growth, infrastructure, and development. That is why the summit is being presented not just as a climate gathering, but as a forum linking ecological policy, investment, technology, and state planning. The EXPO component is part of that design. Government and investment-promotion pages say the parallel exhibition will focus on green technologies, ESG tools, and practical climate solutions, linking diplomacy to project finance and implementation. The summit’s speaker list underlines its international reach. The official RES 2026 page includes...

Antalya Diplomacy Forum

Central Asia Came to Antalya With a Clearer Voice and a Wider Agenda

The Antalya Diplomacy Forum, from April 17 to 19, brought together heads of state, foreign ministers, and senior officials at a tense moment in international politics. The official theme, “Mapping Tomorrow, Managing Uncertainties,” reflected the backdrop: war in the Middle East, pressure on trade, and growing doubts about the strength of international institutions. Central Asia did not dominate the gathering, but the region was visible across the program and in the meetings around it. Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev was the highest-profile regional figure in attendance, while Kyrgyzstan sent Foreign Minister Jeenbek Kulubaev, Turkmenistan sent Foreign Minister Rashid Meredov, and Tajikistan sent Deputy Foreign Minister Farrukh Sharifzoda. Uzbekistan was also active through Foreign Minister Bakhtiyor Saidov in meetings held during the forum dates. The strongest Central Asian intervention came from Tokayev. Speaking at a panel session, he said the United Nations remains indispensable, but also made clear that its present structure is failing to keep up with current crises. “We must honestly acknowledge that the Security Council is the central element in the reform of the United Nations,” he said. He also warned that many key negotiations now take place outside the UN system, in separate capitals and closed rooms, rather than through the institution that was built for that purpose. Tokayev framed the problem in practical terms rather than abstract ones. He said global leaders must approach peace and security “with a strong sense of responsibility,” adding that “we must act more responsibly and exercise restraint.” Tokayev also said Kazakhstan calls on all countries involved in the Iran conflict to cease hostilities while keeping the focus on the core issue of nuclear proliferation. His language matched the line Astana has tried to hold for years: avoid escalation, preserve room for dialogue, and keep diplomatic channels open. Tokayev went further when he turned to the role of what he called “middle powers,” naming Kazakhstan and Türkiye among the states that, in his view, show a high degree of responsibility in both diplomacy and practice. He said it would “not be an exaggeration to say that today middle powers often demonstrate a greater degree of responsibility than major powers represented in the Security Council, which, regrettably, often obstruct the resolution of key global issues.” That was one of the sharper lines delivered at the summit. It also showed how Kazakhstan now wants to place itself in the world: not as a passive actor caught between larger powers, but as a state that can help steady an increasingly unstable system. Türkiye was central to that framing. At the start of his remarks, Tokayev praised President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s role in the region and said Kazakhstan was looking forward to Erdoğan’s state visit next month. That also reflects a broader trend of closer coordination between Kazakhstan and Türkiye, including in the Trans-Caspian transport route (Middle Corridor) and shifting Caspian dynamics. Uzbekistan approached the summit in Antalya differently. Tashkent did not have a presidential intervention on the main stage, but it used the gathering for...

Solar Power

Kyrgyzstan to Construct Solar Power Plant with IFC Support

Kyrgyzstan is launching a pilot project to construct a solar power plant through a public-private partnership (PPP). The project is supported by the International Finance Corporation (IFC), which has prepared technical, legal, financial, and environmental assessments. The project’s implementation was discussed during a meeting in Washington, DC between Kyrgyz Energy Minister Taalaibek Ibrayev and John Gandolfo, Vice President and Chief Financial Officer at the IFC. A key feature of the project is the selection of an investor through an open tender based on the lowest electricity tariff bid. Kyrgyzstan has agreed to a tariff proposed by China Power of 4.1 cents per kWh. The power plant will be built in the Naryn region. Construction is scheduled to begin in 2026, with electricity generation expected to start in 2027. Ibrayev noted that the project introduces new standards to Kyrgyzstan’s energy sector and will serve as an example of attracting investment through transparent and competitive mechanisms. Gandolfo expressed the World Bank’s support for Kyrgyzstan’s energy sector reforms. The meeting also addressed the second phase of the project, which envisages the construction of additional solar power plants in the Talas and Batken regions. As part of efforts to reduce chronic power shortages, Kyrgyzstan has accelerated the development of renewable energy. In December 2025, the country inaugurated its first solar power plant in the Chui region, approximately 100 kilometers east of Bishkek. The 100-megawatt facility was constructed with $56 million in Chinese investment and is expected to generate around 210 million kWh of clean electricity annually.

Water

Water in Central Asia: Between Reality and Alarmism

The Regional Ecological Summit 2026 will take place in Astana on April 22-24. The event is intended to elevate Central Asia’s water and environmental agenda to the level of systemic solutions. Alongside preparations for the summit, however, an increasingly alarmist narrative is gaining traction among some experts. In this framing, water resources in Central Asia are presented as being in crisis, with predictions of shortages, threats to food security, and even potential conflict. Phrases such as “there is not enough water,” “the harvest is at risk,” and “the region is on the brink” are used with growing frequency. Such assessments are typically based on generalized and dramatized claims that fail to differentiate between countries or specific river basins. This creates the impression of a single, simultaneous crisis, whereas in reality the situation is far more complex. Yes, there is a problem, but it is not sudden or one-dimensional. Water scarcity in Central Asia is real. However, it must be interpreted accurately and objectively. According to expert estimates, up to 40% of water in the region is lost through deteriorating irrigation infrastructure, while more than 80% of water consumption is accounted for by agriculture. Current practice supports these figures. In southern Kazakhstan, seasonal water supply restrictions are regularly imposed. This year, for example, the government approved consumption limits for southern regions due to an expected shortage during the growing season. Uzbekistan has said, in joining the World Bank’s Water Forward initiative, that it aims to introduce water-saving technologies across its 4.1 million hectares of irrigated land and reduce irrigation losses by 25%. Equally important are developments in upstream countries, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. According to a study by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, the region exhibits a structural interdependence between water and energy. More than 80% of electricity in these countries is generated by hydropower, meaning water resources are used simultaneously for energy production and irrigation. This creates systemic interdependencies. At the same time, coordination of water releases and electricity generation remains suboptimal, and the absence of long-term regulatory mechanisms has already led to water shortages during certain summer periods. This is a key point: the issue is not so much an absolute lack of water, but the complexity of coordination between upstream and downstream countries, as well as between sectors within individual states. In other words, water shortages in Central Asia are often driven less by natural conditions than by how water is distributed and managed. Particular attention in alarmist narratives is given to Afghanistan and the Kushtepa Canal. Estimates commonly suggest that the Qosh Tepa Canal could eventually divert around 6-10 km³ of water per year from the Amu Darya, although projections vary and depend on how fully the canal is completed and operated. While the canal is not yet fully operational, regional officials already treat it as a serious medium-term risk, with the precise scale of future withdrawals still under discussion. Countries in the region, especially Uzbekistan, have been pursuing dialogue with Afghanistan over the canal and...