• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00199 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10695 -0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00199 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10695 -0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00199 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10695 -0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00199 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10695 -0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00199 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10695 -0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00199 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10695 -0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00199 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10695 -0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00199 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10695 -0.09%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
29 January 2026

Kazakhstan-Uzbekistan Jibek Joly Train Tour Extended to Tajikistan

Kazakhstan’s national railway company, Kazakhstan Temir Zholy (KTZ), has announced the expansion of its popular Jibek Joly (Silk Road) tourist train route to include Tajikistan, adding a new stop to one of Central Asia’s flagship railway tourism initiatives.

The updated route will now reach the Tajik capital, Dushanbe, extending the tour beyond Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan for the first time.

The inaugural journey on the extended route is scheduled to depart from Almaty on March 20, 2026, and return on March 25, passing through a series of historic Silk Road cities: Turkestan (Kazakhstan), Samarkand (Uzbekistan), Dushanbe (Tajikistan) and Tashkent (Uzbekistan).

The tour package includes rail travel, guided sightseeing, entrance to cultural and historical sites, and organized transfers. Its launch coincides with Nauryz, the region’s traditional spring holiday, allowing travelers to experience vibrant local celebrations along the way.

First introduced in November 2024, the Jibek Joly train originally ran between Almaty, Turkestan, and Tashkent, and has since become a highly visible symbol of the region’s growing tourism sector.

The project reflects broader efforts to promote Central Asia as a unified tourist destination. Regional leaders have advocated for a shared visa-free regime for foreign visitors, similar to Europe’s Schengen Zone, to encourage cross-border travel and boost international tourism.

Officials say that initiatives like Jibek Joly can help strengthen cultural ties, foster regional integration, and raise Central Asia’s profile on the global tourism map.

Kyrgyzstan Sues Russia at EAEU Court Over Migrant Families’ Health Insurance

Kyrgyzstan has filed a legal claim against Russia at the Eurasian Economic Union Court over Moscow’s refusal to issue compulsory medical insurance cards to the family members of Kyrgyz labor migrants working in Russia. The case, lodged on January 27, centers on whether Russia is meeting its obligations under the EAEU’s labor-migration agreement. Kyrgyz officials say the refusal to issue insurance to dependents violates provisions on social protection for migrants and their families inside the union.

The lawsuit was announced by Azamat Mukanov, chairman of Kyrgyzstan’s Mandatory Health Insurance Fund, at a meeting of the Jogorku Kenesh’s parliamentary committee on labor, healthcare, women’s affairs, and social issues. Mukanov said Russia is in breach of the EAEU agreement by denying required policies to family members, even though the pact covers migrant workers from all five EAEU members: Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Russia.

“In practice, this provision does not work,” Mukanov stated. “Because of this, it was decided to apply to the EAEU court with a request to specify the provisions of the EAEU in this direction.”

Mukanov said proceedings are already underway, and a decision is “expected within two weeks.”

The dispute also surfaced during the recent visit of Russian Deputy Prime Minister Alexey Overchuk to Bishkek. Kyrgyz officials raised the issue in bilateral discussions but moved to litigation after limited progress through diplomatic channels.

The complaint does not dispute Russia’s right to manage its health system. Rather, it turns on whether family members of migrant workers – spouses, children, and other dependents – should be eligible for free health insurance once their breadwinners are lawfully employed in Russia. Insurance of this kind, known locally as OMS, opens access to a broad range of state-funded medical services beyond emergency care. Without it, dependents may have to pay out of pocket or buy private coverage for non-urgent treatment.

Under the EAEU’s social security provisions, the right to social protection and medical care for a worker and their family should be on the same terms and conditions as for citizens of the State of employment. That language appears in the union’s treaty and its annexes regulating labor and social rights. Kyrgyz officials argue that Russian practice undermines that principle when family members are excluded.

Kyrgyzstan is one of Russia’s closest partners in Central Asia, bound by deep economic, security, and migration ties. Bishkek is a member of the Eurasian Economic Union and the Moscow-led Collective Security Treaty Organization, and has generally avoided direct public disputes with the Kremlin. Kyrgyz officials have typically sought to resolve migration-related frictions quietly through bilateral channels, making the decision to take Russia to a supranational court unusual.

In April 2025, Kyrgyzstan’s Foreign Ministry summoned Russia’s ambassador after police reportedly used force against Kyrgyz nationals in a Moscow bathhouse raid, a rare diplomatic protest against Russia that underscored growing domestic concern over the treatment of migrant workers.

The EAEU Court in Minsk adjudicates disputes over the interpretation of union law and ensures consistent application across member states. It consists of judges from all five members and issues decisions on matters brought by member governments or executive bodies. The court’s decisions clarify legal obligations but do not rewrite union treaties; compliance depends on the parties and, ultimately, on political follow-through.

Labor migration from Kyrgyzstan to Russia remains a major economic lifeline for many families. Russia is by far the largest destination for Kyrgyz workers, who are employed across construction, services, and seasonal jobs. At the end of 2024, 379,949 Kyrgyz nationals were registered with the Russian migration authorities, making up a significant share of Kyrgyzstan’s foreign income. Between January and May 2025, remittances from Russia accounted for 94% of total inflows, which have deep effects on household economies back home and on broader fiscal stability.

That deeper economic context shapes the political stakes of the legal dispute. If family members cannot secure affordable health care in Russia, households face stark choices: delay treatment, pay out of pocket, or carry the cost of private insurance. This raises domestic pressure on Bishkek’s leaders, especially as the country debates reforms to its own mandatory insurance system, and as Moscow tightens migration enforcement and oversight in ways that increase insecurity for Central Asian workers and their families.

The EAEU pact was designed to pool aspects of economic and social integration, including the free movement of labor and equal treatment in employment and social benefits. Kyrgyzstan has pointed to those treaty commitments as the basis for its claim. Russia’s refusal to issue insurance cards to dependents, according to Kyrgyz officials, undermines the union’s promise of equal protection.

The case has drawn attention against the backdrop of tighter migration policies in Russia. Since 2024, after the deadly Crocus City Hall attack that triggered a massive backlash, the Russian authorities have pushed measures to restrict access to certain social benefits for foreign workers. Some Russian lawmakers have said free medical care should apply only after years of legal employment.

Kyrgyz officials and lawmakers have framed the lawsuit as part of a wider effort to defend the rights of Kyrgyz citizens working abroad. By moving the dispute to the EAEU Court, Bishkek is seeking an authoritative interpretation of union law that could influence how Russia and other members handle similar social-protection issues.

For Russia, the case highlights tensions between national policy priorities and regional commitments under the EAEU framework. Moscow has consistently emphasized its sovereign right to set eligibility criteria for social programs.

A ruling in Kyrgyzstan’s favor would send a message that the EAEU’s labor and social provisions have concrete legal force. It could obligate Russia to extend medical insurance to the family members of migrant workers who hold lawful employment. That could ease the financial burden on thousands of households that depend on cross-border work.

If the court sides with Russia’s narrower reading of the treaty, however, the decision would solidify a more limited view of social rights for migrants and their families. This outcome would underscore the gap between high-level integration goals and on-the-ground application of social protections.

The forthcoming decision will test not only legal interpretations of the EAEU’s text, but also the strength of its commitments in practice, as member states navigate the balance between sovereign policy and regional obligations.

Tajikistan Approves Use of Central Bank Reserves to Fund Rogun Hydropower Plant

Tajikistan’s lower house of parliament on January 22 approved a draft law allowing funds from the reserve fund of the National Bank of Tajikistan to be used to finance construction of the Rogun Hydropower Plant, a project viewed as central to the country’s long-term energy strategy. The decision was reported by Sadoi Mardum, the official newspaper of the lower chamber.

According to the publication, the bill was introduced at the initiative of President Emomali Rahmon. Speaking before lawmakers, Finance Minister Faiziddin Qahhorzoda said the legislation creates a legal mechanism for channeling reserve fund resources through the state budget toward completion of Rogun, which authorities describe as a strategically important facility.

Qahhorzoda explained that the law provides for the transfer of 916 million Tajik somoni (approximately $100 million), representing the remaining balance of the National Bank’s reserve fund generated from its financial performance in 2024. He told deputies that the measure is intended to help Tajikistan achieve energy independence by 2027 and reduce reliance on external loans and grants.

The minister also pointed to broader budgetary support for the energy sector. Under the state budget for 2026, around 15 billion somoni (more than $1.6 billion) has been allocated for fuel and energy projects, with the majority of those funds earmarked for completion of the Rogun dam.

The parliamentary decision follows earlier reports highlighting financial oversight challenges surrounding the hydropower project. As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, an independent audit of Rogun’s 2024 financial statements identified serious concerns related to financial reporting and internal controls.

The audit was conducted by Baker Tilly Tajikistan, a member of the international Baker Tilly network, and resulted in a qualified opinion. Auditors said they were unable to fully confirm the accuracy of the company’s accounts and cited several material issues, including a possible understatement of share capital. They also noted that they did not participate in scheduled inventories of cash, fixed assets, or other holdings as of December 31, 2024, limiting their ability to verify parts of the company’s assets.

Uzbekistan Clarifies Nuclear Plant Timeline After Reports of Delay

Uzbekistan’s plans to begin construction of its first nuclear power plant have come under renewed scrutiny following the publication of a draft state program suggesting the start of work could be postponed until December 2026. The draft made public on the regulation.adliya.uz portal prompted widespread media speculation.

According to the document, Uzbekistan intends to spend 2026 negotiating, signing, and registering an additional agreement with Russia’s state nuclear corporation, Rosatom. The proposed agreement would revise the configuration of the integrated nuclear power plant project, combining a large-capacity VVER-1000 reactor with small modular RITM-200N reactors. Some outlets interpreted this language as a sign that the pouring of the first concrete might not occur until the end of 2026.

In response, the Uzatom nuclear energy agency issued an official clarification, stating that previously announced timelines remain unchanged. In a statement released after the draft’s publication, Uzatom stressed that the document does not stipulate any postponement of construction. The agency noted that the December 2026 date reflects a conservative planning scenario in which all preparatory and licensing procedures are finalized by that time.

Uzatom emphasized its adherence to national legislation and international standards on nuclear and radiation safety. It added that the first concrete pouring, considered a key milestone, will only proceed after receiving all necessary permits and approvals from relevant authorities. “We clearly understand the level of responsibility involved in this stage,” the agency said, adding that work on the project is advancing across all areas.

The clarification comes amid sustained public interest in Uzbekistan’s nuclear energy plans. Speaking at World Atomic Week in Moscow in September last year, Uzatom Director Azim Akhmedkhadjaev stated that Uzbekistan aims to fully commission a high-capacity nuclear power plant by 2035. According to him, the first small modular reactor in the Jizzakh region is expected to begin operations in 2029, with a second unit following six months later. The first reactor of the large-scale facility is scheduled to come online in 2033, with full capacity reached by 2035, though Akhmedkhadjaev noted that final timelines are contingent on the completion of contractual agreements.

Uzatom said it will continue to provide timely updates as the project progresses through its key phases.

Japan Provides Grant for Digital Diagnostics in Dushanbe

The Japanese government is continuing to expand its humanitarian cooperation with Tajikistan, with a renewed focus on strengthening the healthcare system and improving public access to medical services. On January 27, a grant agreement totaling $352,530 was signed under Japan’s Grant Assistance for Grassroots Human Security Projects (GGP) program.

The GGP initiative supports the development of social infrastructure in partner countries by funding projects in healthcare, education, and local government. In this case, the grant will be used to supply Health Center No. 14 in Dushanbe’s Sino district, one of the capital’s most densely populated areas, with state-of-the-art diagnostic technology.

The center will receive three modern Japanese-made digital fluorographs, which are expected to significantly improve the accuracy and speed of diagnoses, particularly for infectious diseases. The integration of this technology is intended to enhance both the quality and accessibility of healthcare services in the district, contributing to the broader strengthening of Dushanbe’s healthcare infrastructure.

Japanese Ambassador Keiko Furuta emphasized the strategic nature of Japan’s cooperation with Tajikistan, referencing the first Central Asia + Japan Dialogue Summit held in Tokyo last December. The summit reaffirmed healthcare as one of the priority areas of regional collaboration.

Japan has provided assistance to Tajikistan for over 30 years, dating back to the establishment of diplomatic relations. Through the GGP alone, 470 humanitarian projects, totaling $39.2 million, have been implemented across the country since 1996. These projects have largely supported local governments, healthcare and educational institutions, and international NGOs.

Attempting to Build a Litter-Free Kazakhstan: An Interview with Ecologist Kamila Akimbekova

Ten years ago, waste recycling in Almaty was largely the domain of individual enthusiasts. Today, environmental campaigns draw thousands, and conversations about responsible consumption have become part of daily life for many city residents.

One of the pioneers of this movement is Kamila Akimbekova, an eco-influencer and co-organizer of environmental initiatives. In an interview with The Times of Central Asia, she reflects on the evolution of Almaty’s eco-community, the principles behind the zero waste concept, and how small, consistent changes can reshape a city.

TCA: Kamila, you had a successful career in banking. What prompted your transition to environmental activism? 

Kamila: I think my interests evolved. People often think recycling is a new trend, but it actually existed in the USSR: students collected waste paper, and people returned glass for reuse. It was an effective circular economy. When I became a mother for the second time, I began thinking more deeply about my impact on the world. I started researching whether Almaty had recycling facilities. At the time, information was scarce, and it wasn’t easy to locate collection points, but I didn’t give up.

TCA: Was access to information more limited 10-15 years ago?

Kamila: Absolutely. Social media was less developed, and online information was often outdated or unreliable. I started looking for people who shared my values and eventually connected with Almaty’s early eco-activists. They were scattered individuals with a shared desire for change. Over time, we formed a real community, launched joint projects, and I began sharing what I learned on my blog. That’s how I transitioned to eco-influencing. Today, I have around 30,000 Instagram followers, an engaged audience concerned about the environment.

TCA: Is the eco-community large now?

Kamila: It’s grown significantly, especially in Almaty, though we’re also connected with activists across Kazakhstan. Participation has multiplied. Our early events drew 20-50 people. Now we see around 2,000. There’s strong interest from students and school-children, I lecture regularly and see growing volunteerism. At our last campaign, electronic sensors showed that 1,900 people attended.

TCA: Is it true that women form the core of the eco-community?

Kamila: Yes, that’s backed by studies. Women tend to be more environmentally conscious, likely due to traditional roles as caretakers of the home and future generations.

TCA: Today, people can recycle much more than just paper, glass, and plastic. How did that expansion come about?

Kamila: I wanted a convenient way to dispose of multiple waste types, old medicines, unused items, plastics, metals, e-waste, etc. In 2019, we invited companies like Rocket Plastic and an e-waste recycler to set up at our events. We also partnered with the Almaty Pop-Up Store and expanded through collaborations with the Darmarka project and the Recycle Birge team.

TCA: I was surprised to learn you accept unusual items, used cooking oil, expired candy, even food scraps for farmers.

Kamila: We follow the zero waste concept, which aims to reduce waste to zero. Many newcomers think sorting is the most important part, but recycling is actually the last step. The process begins with refusing disposable items, reusing, reducing consumption, repairing, and only then recycling.

TCA: So the goal is not to recycle more, but to produce less waste?

Kamila: Exactly. Don’t collect bags of bags buy one reusable shopping bag and use it. Repair what you can. Upcycle where possible. Recycling is a last resort. Companies track “eco-hero” stats, but you’ll rarely see our activists at the top, we’re creating less waste, not recycling more. That’s why I value the Darmarka program, where people exchange clothing and accessories to give them a second life.

Image: Kamila Akimbekova

TCA: Was Darmarka your idea?

Kamila: No, it came from Roman Sablin, a Russian ecologist and founder of an environmental education school. Many of us, including myself, studied there, I now teach a course on organizing eco-events. At first, Darmarka was held every three to six months; now it’s monthly and just one part of our work. Last year, we collected and recycled more than 33 tons of material.

TCA: What’s the most unexpected item you accept?

Kamila: Probably vegetable peelings. You can dry them at home and bring them in. One of our partner farmers feeds them to her goats; she even sends us pictures. Food waste is a major issue. It’s mentioned in Kazakhstan’s Environmental Code, but there’s still no systematic solution at either the city or national level.

TCA: Some people argue they simply don’t have time to sort and transport waste.

Kamila: People can deny the problem, but eventually, everyone will have to face it. Our natural resources are not infinite. We can’t keep cutting forests and pumping oil forever. Sooner or later, we’ll all have to change, some sooner, some later.

TCA: Is living an eco-friendly life difficult today?

Kamila: Being eco-friendly means changing habits, which takes time. If you try to adopt everything at once, it may seem overwhelming. But if you go step by step, it becomes second nature. I always tell people: go at your own pace. Today, stop using plastic bags. Tomorrow, bring your own cup for coffee. Small steps make a big difference.

TCA: How many recycling facilities and collection points are there in Almaty?

Kamila: There’s no single “waste processing plant”, each material is processed separately. There are major recycling plants near Almaty for paper, glass, tires, and aluminum. But the number of collection points has dropped to about 10, down from 17 operated by KWR alone. Many depended on state subsidies, which have largely dried up. While subsidies still exist, they’re difficult to access. In Karaganda, some entrepreneurs manage the entire cycle themselves.

There’s talk of building a waste incineration plant in Almaty, which could devastate the recycling sector. If we start burning everything, no one will sort. I’m skeptical about whether it will truly be environmentally safe.

TCA: How would you assess Almaty’s cleanliness today?

Kamila: You might be surprised; Almaty is fairly clean. We now struggle to find sites for cleanup events. In the past, we’d find dozens of dirty spots instantly. Recently, we had to cancel a cleanup by the Ili River because activists had already cleared it.

TCA: What will it take to make our cities truly clean?

Kamila: A systematic approach and education. We must start in kindergartens and schools. A more responsible, conscious generation will ensure cleaner cities. But we can’t wait, each of us must act now. It’s not the government’s job to stop people littering in the mountains. That’s our personal responsibility.