Kazakhstan Justice - The Times Of Central Asia

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Public Spaces

Kazakhstan Proposes Fines for Unauthorized Graffiti

Kazakhstan is preparing to introduce fines for unauthorized graffiti on public buildings and structures. The Interior Ministry has proposed enshrining a ban in law following a campaign against vandalism and drug-related graffiti. Interior Minister Yerzhan Sadenov presented the proposals on September 21 at a government meeting. Prime Minister Olzhas Bektenov instructed the Interior Ministry to prepare amendments aimed at “establishing a complete ban on all types of graffiti that damage public places.” A significant part of the police’s current work involves drug-related graffiti: inscriptions advertising drugs and providing sellers’ contact details. According to the Interior Ministry, police and volunteers have removed around 80,000 such inscriptions and drawings. Authorities have opened 81 criminal cases over drug promotion and advertising, with 19 people convicted. Through the digital service “No to Drugs,” citizens have reported another 150 violations to the police. The Interior Ministry’s proposal, however, goes beyond drug-related graffiti. Sadenov spoke about inscriptions and drawings on public buildings and structures in general. The government used the wording graffiti that “damage public places.” How “damage” is defined in the amendments could determine how authorized street art is treated. In Almaty, Astana, and other cities, murals have long been used to decorate building facades and public spaces. The government materials published so far contain no proposal to prohibit such works. Elsewhere, legislation generally links liability not to graffiti as an art form, but to a lack of authorization and damage to property. In Germany, criminal liability applies, among other things, to unauthorized alterations that substantially and permanently change the appearance of public monuments and works of art. One of the stricter regimes is in Singapore, where the Vandalism Act includes a maximum fine of up to S$2,000 or up to three years in prison. For certain offenses, the law also provides for caning. Kazakhstan’s approach will become clearer once the amendments are published. For now, the Interior Ministry has proposed administrative liability rather than a separate criminal offense for graffiti. The government is also preparing a National Cleanliness Standard. It is expected to include requirements covering the maintenance and landscaping of populated areas, the upkeep of natural areas, environmental education, and volunteer activities. Urban development regulations are also changing. The new Construction Code established the design code as a tool for shaping the appearance of cities and other populated areas. Specialized urban planning organizations have been established in all regions, while regional authorities have approved road maps for urban development for 2026-2027.

Women’s Safety on Trains

Women-Only Carriages in Kazakhstan: What Has Changed After Five Years?

In 2018, two conductors aboard a Tulpar-Talgo train raped a female passenger in her compartment while she was traveling from Astana to Aktobe. The crime shocked Kazakhstan and brought the issue of women’s safety on trains into public debate. Three years later, the country’s first women-only carriages appeared on Kazakhstan’s railways. From October 1, 2026, a women-only carriage will operate between Almaty and Tashkent, crossing an international border for the first time. The international service will become the 14th route covered by the project. Over the past five years, female passengers have made more than 946,000 journeys in women-only carriages. Kazakhstan Temir Zholy (KTZ), the national rail operator, cites strong demand as the reason for continuing to expand the service. But the most important indicator is missing from the publicly available statistics: whether women have actually become safer on Kazakhstan’s trains. KTZ does not publish data on harassment and violence before and after the project was introduced. The Case that Prompted Action The legal battle over the 2018 attack lasted for more than a year. The original sentences of two years and six months for one conductor and two years and three months for the other were overturned by the Kostanay Regional Court, which sent the case back for further investigation because of procedural violations. Following a retrial, Zhetes Umbetaliyev and Kolkanat Kurmaniyazov were found guilty and sentenced to five years in prison each. In February 2020, the regional court upheld the sentences. When the women-only carriage project began on October 10, 2021, it covered just two routes: Almaty-Mangystau and Almaty-Oskemen. Boys aged seven and under may travel with adult female passengers. In the booking system, these seats are marked with the letters “ZH” (ЖН), and fares are the same as for comparable seats in regular carriages. In less than three months in 2021, 13,243 women used the service. More than 114,000 did so in 2022, and by January 2026, KTZ reported that the total had risen to approximately 822,000. A Popular Initiative The Times of Central Asia asked three women in Kazakhstan what the option of traveling in a women-only carriage means to them. Raushan Otan, a 46-year-old art historian from Almaty, has already used the service. “I like the women-only carriage. When you spend several hours traveling, you feel calmer when there are only women around you. It gives you a sense of safety and additional confidence.” Samira Olzhabekova, an 18-year-old school student from Taraz, has not yet traveled in one, but says she would choose it on a future journey. “I haven’t traveled in one myself yet, but I’ve heard a lot about how convenient and nice it is. I think there could be more carriages and services like this. If I were traveling by train, I would definitely choose a women-only carriage.” Valeria Kuznetsova, a 22-year-old student from Astana, frequently travels alone. “I often travel alone, so for me this is a genuinely good initiative. When you have the option of choosing a women-only carriage, you...

Cybersecurity

Kazakhstan Examines Data Leak Claim Involving 15 Million People

A database allegedly containing the personal information of 15 million people in Kazakhstan has appeared on the dark web. The seller is asking 0.5 bitcoin, about $32,000, for a dataset containing tens of millions of records. The seller claims the information was obtained after hacking the government’s eGov portal. Kazakhstan’s Ministry of Artificial Intelligence and Digital Development has not confirmed that account. Specialists are examining samples of the database and trying to determine where the data came from. The sale was reported by the Russian Telegram channel Mash. According to the channel, the file is about 2.7 GB and contains 47 million rows. Its description lists passport details, phone numbers, email addresses, places of employment, passwords, and scans of documents. The claim that the database contains information on 15 million people has not been independently confirmed. Kazakhstan’s Ministry of Artificial Intelligence and Digital Development disputes the allegation that eGov was hacked. It said a preliminary review had found no evidence that government e-services were breached, and that officials were examining samples of the data to determine where they came from. The ministry has also questioned parts of the database description. For example, eGov does not store scanned copies of passports in the form described by the seller, while digital documents have a different structure. The allegation follows at least two other major cases involving personal data in the past 14 months. In June 2025, around 16 million records containing the names, individual identification numbers, addresses, and phone numbers of Kazakhstani citizens were found to be publicly accessible. The Health Ministry later said the dataset had been compiled from various sources, possibly including the information systems of medical organizations. It said any information originating from medical systems dated from before April 1, 2024. The Digital Ministry later reported that the investigation had found no signs of a direct hack. According to the ministry, much of the information had been extracted in 2022, possibly by someone with legitimate access to personal data or by a third party using credentials that had been shared or stolen. The investigation into that leak has still not been completed. In April 2026, the National Security Committee said the criminal case remained under investigation. The agency disclosed no further details, citing the confidentiality of the investigation. The allegation comes just two months after police seized another large database containing personal information on nearly 16 million Kazakhstanis from employees of a collection agency in the Zhetysu region. It is not known whether the two datasets are connected. Investigators must therefore establish whether the database offered for sale is authentic and how recent its contents are. The 2025 case showed how information from different sources and different years can be combined into a single database, meaning a large file offered for sale does not necessarily represent a new breach. There is reason to take such reports seriously. According to KZ-CERT data cited by research agency Finprom, Kazakhstan recorded 9,400 information security incidents in the first three months of 2026. Nearly...

Islam and National Identity

Dombra Dispute and Niqab Bans Fuel Religious Debate in Central Asia

Standing before a court in Aktobe in June, 35-year-old Azat Konys apologized to “the entire Kazakh people” for insulting one of the country’s most cherished cultural symbols. Two months earlier, during a TikTok livestream, he had declared the dombra forbidden under Islam, compared the two-stringed instrument to part of the devil’s anatomy and called clerics from Kazakhstan’s official Islamic authority “dogs of hell.” Konys asked the court not to imprison him. The judge instead sentenced him to three years and six months for inciting religious and national hatred. The controversy began when Konys cited the Hanafi school of Sunni Islamic jurisprudence, the dominant legal tradition among Muslims in Kazakhstan, to argue that the dombra and other stringed instruments, including the guitar and balalaika, were haram, meaning forbidden under Islamic law. The remarks caused particular anger because the dombra is more than a musical instrument in Kazakhstan: it has accompanied oral poetry and storytelling for generations and is officially celebrated as a symbol of cultural heritage and national identity. Police identified Konys after clips from the livestream circulated on social media and detained him in April. The case is an unusually stark example of how online religious disputes are spilling into legal and political life across Central Asia. Arguments that might once have remained within mosques or religious communities are now spreading through social media, forcing governments and official Islamic authorities alike to decide where religious expression ends and attacks on national culture begin. A more recent controversy arose in Kazakhstan’s Turkestan Region, where a 66-year-old guest at a toi, a traditional wedding feast, called for stricter adherence to Islamic law. He urged the organizers to separate men and women and remove music and alcohol from the celebration, while describing musicians as “heralds of Satan.” The video spread rapidly on social media, prompting nationwide debate. The man was detained and placed in a temporary detention facility for incitement of religious and social hatred. In a statement, the Ministry of Internal Affairs said that freedom of expression does not extend to statements that degrade the dignity of others or could provoke religious or social hostility. The Spiritual Administration of Muslims of Kazakhstan (SAMK), the country’s main official Muslim body, later issued its own response. It stated that Islam does not prohibit music in itself and stressed that publicly insulting artists or women is inconsistent with Islamic ethics. Another controversy centered on Nauryz, the spring equinox holiday celebrated throughout Central Asia and across much of the Turkic and Iranian cultural world. In March, a blogger in the Almaty Region described the holiday as “non-Muslim” and argued that it should not be celebrated. Police opened a criminal case against him on suspicion of inciting religious hatred. Kazakhstan’s Prosecutor General’s Office subsequently warned of legal liability for statements attacking Nauryz and other national traditions. The SAMK, meanwhile, publicly celebrated Nauryz as a national holiday promoting social harmony and charitable acts. The debate soon spread beyond social media into politics and the entertainment industry. Producer and television presenter Bayan Alaguzova said...

Bride Kidnapping

Bride Kidnapping in Central Asia: Why the Practice Persists Despite Tougher Laws

Bride kidnapping for the purpose of forcing women into marriage remains one of the least visible forms of gender-based violence in Central Asia. Although abduction and coercion into marriage are punishable under criminal law across the region, the offenses are defined differently from country to country. Their true scale is difficult to measure. Many victims never report the crime, while some cases are still viewed as a continuation of tradition rather than a violation of criminal law. Over the past decade, governments across Central Asia have begun revising their approaches to the problem. Kyrgyzstan strengthened criminal penalties following several high-profile cases. Kazakhstan did not close a legal loophole that allowed many perpetrators to avoid prosecution until 2025. Uzbekistan has a specific criminal provision covering the abduction of women for marriage, while Tajikistan does not appear to define bride kidnapping as a separate offense. In Tajikistan and Turkmenistan, however, assessing the prevalence of the practice remains particularly difficult because of limited research and incomplete official data. The term “bride kidnapping” has not always referred to the same practice. Anthropologists note that historically it covered a range of marriage customs, from mutually agreed elopements and staged abductions to the violent kidnapping of women. Contemporary researchers stress that the presence or absence of a woman’s free consent is the key distinction between these practices. Comparable customs once existed among a number of Central Asian peoples. One documented motive has been the desire to avoid kalym, the traditional bride price paid by the groom’s family to the bride’s relatives. Economic motives, however, did not alter the nature of the crime when a woman did not consent to the marriage. The issue has been studied most extensively in Kyrgyzstan. A nationally representative survey conducted in 2015–2016 by the National Statistical Committee with support from UN Women, UNFPA, and the International Organization for Migration found that 22.1% of marriages involved some form of bride abduction. Of these, 16.3% were reported as taking place with the woman’s consent, while 5.8% occurred without it. The frequently cited claim that more than one in five Kyrgyz marriages begins with bride kidnapping therefore combines consensual and non-consensual practices. It should not be presented as an estimate of forced abduction. The figures were based on respondents’ accounts and may not capture every form of family or social pressure surrounding consent. Known locally as ala kachuu, or “grab and run,” the non-consensual abduction of a woman for marriage is a criminal offense in Kyrgyzstan. In 2013, the penalty for abducting an adult woman for marriage against her will was increased to between five and seven years in prison. The corresponding sentence when the victim was under 17 was increased to between five and ten years. Tougher penalties, however, have not prevented further tragedies. One of the best-known cases was the 2018 murder of Burulai Turdaaly Kyzy, a 20-year-old medical student. After she was abducted, her family contacted the police. Officers brought both Burulai and her abductor to a police station but left...

Amnesty

Kazakhstan Amnesty Clears $48 Million in Unpaid Fines

Kazakhstan has written off unpaid administrative fines for more than 680,000 people under the country’s first administrative amnesty, Prosecutor General Berik Asylov said. The amnesty was applied to 681,700 people in 1.3 million administrative cases in less than a month, according to Asylov. The canceled fines were worth 22.8 billion tenge, or approximately $48 million. Asylov published the figures in a post on X. The measure formed part of an amnesty signed on July 1, the day Kazakhstan’s new Constitution took effect. It extended an amnesty to selected administrative offenses for the first time, alongside provisions covering criminal cases. It covered unpaid fines imposed on Kazakh citizens, individual entrepreneurs, private notaries, private bailiffs, lawyers, and legal consultants. Fines imposed by courts were excluded, along with offenses considered too serious for clemency. According to Asylov, the amnesty nevertheless applied to violations under more than 380 articles of Kazakhstan’s Code of Administrative Offenses. The Times of Central Asia previously reported that the government announced plans for Kazakhstan’s first administrative amnesty after voters approved the new Constitution in a March referendum. The authorities said at the time that it would cover offenses that did not threaten public or national security. Recipients were not required to file applications or submit documents. Kazakhstan’s unified register of administrative proceedings identified eligible cases using the criteria set out in the law, allowing the authorities to issue decisions digitally. Asylov said people were informed by text message when their fines were canceled. Related enforcement proceedings were closed and restrictions were lifted. In at least one case cited by prosecutors, an impounded vehicle was returned to its owner. The broader amnesty law has also prompted questions about whether repeated acts of clemency are being used to correct penalties that were too severe in the first place. Lawyers and rights advocates interviewed by BES.media said the measure would ease the burden on convicted and fined individuals, while some argued that frequent amnesties may point to deeper problems in legislation and judicial practice. Lawyer Dzhokhar Utebekov told the outlet that amnesties effectively soften the impact of strict criminal laws and sentencing practices. Rights advocate Yevgeny Zhovtis criticized the importance placed on repayment of damages, which can shift financial pressure onto prisoners’ families, and the exclusion of some offenses that rights groups regard as politically sensitive. Former lawmaker Abzal Kuspan disputed that interpretation, telling BES.media that an amnesty is a separate act of state clemency and does not in itself indicate shortcomings in the courts. Those concerns relate mainly to the criminal provisions of the law. The administrative amnesty followed a more straightforward process, with eligible unpaid fines canceled according to predetermined criteria rather than through a new examination of each case. The criminal amnesty could affect about 16,500 people. Around 4,500 could be released or avoid punishment, including approximately 1,500 people held in prisons or other detention facilities, while more than 10,000 could have their sentences reduced.