• KZT/USD = 0.00221
  • TJS/USD = 0.10860
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29760
  • KZT/USD = 0.00221
  • TJS/USD = 0.10860
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29760
  • KZT/USD = 0.00221
  • TJS/USD = 0.10860
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29760
  • KZT/USD = 0.00221
  • TJS/USD = 0.10860
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29760
  • KZT/USD = 0.00221
  • TJS/USD = 0.10860
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29760
  • KZT/USD = 0.00221
  • TJS/USD = 0.10860
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29760
  • KZT/USD = 0.00221
  • TJS/USD = 0.10860
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29760
  • KZT/USD = 0.00221
  • TJS/USD = 0.10860
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29760
26 October 2026

Viewing results 37 - 42 of 437

Turkmenistan Condemns Strike on Iranian Ship in Caspian Sea

Turkmenistan has criticized an attack on an Iranian vessel in the Caspian Sea that the Iranian government blamed on Ukraine. In a statement on Monday, Turkmenistan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs referred to media reports of an attack on a ship in the Caspian on July 25 and described “such actions” as unacceptable. “As a Caspian littoral state and the country with a status of permanent neutrality recognized by the United Nations, Turkmenistan underlines that the Caspian Sea is a sea of peace, harmony and good-neighborliness,” the ministry said, without specifically referring to Ukraine or Iran. The Caspian Sea is critical to Turkmenistan´s ambition to play a larger role in the Middle Corridor, a trade network linking Asia and Europe via Central Asia and the Caucasus. Iran had blamed Ukraine for the attack that it said resulted in an explosion on an Iranian commercial vessel, killing one sailor and injuring another. It described the attack as “an act of aggression that could further inflame and expand the ongoing conflict.” Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has said the Ukrainian military’s deep strike range is more than 3,000 kilometers, indicating that the Caspian Sea is within reach. “We also have very good results from long-range strikes in the waters of the Caspian Sea,” Zelenskyy said on July 25. “In particular, these are vessels that were involved in transporting military cargo from Iran, and a warship.” Iran has provided drone technology to Russia since its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. The attack in the Caspian Sea comes amid heightened Mideast tension and open conflict between Iran and the United States. Earlier in July, Kazakhstan had condemned drone strikes on oil infrastructure in the Black Sea that is critical to Kazakhstan’s energy exports. Ukraine has said it was targeting Russian interests in the Black Sea. On July 25, in a meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin, Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev called for a freeze of the Russia-Ukraine war in some of his strongest comments about ending the fighting.

New U.S. Embassy Chief in Turkmenistan to Continue Building Ties

The United States has a new top diplomat in Ashgabat who is expected to continue what Turkmenistan calls the “positive momentum” in ties between the two countries. Kristin Hawkins assumed duties as chargé d’affaires ad interim at the U.S. Embassy in Ashgabat after Elizabeth Rood completed her tour as ambassador this month, the embassy said. Hawkins will lead the embassy until a permanent ambassador is appointed. Hawkins joined the Foreign Service in 2011 and served as U.S. consul general in Lahore, Pakistan, from 2023 to 2025, according to the embassy. Her other postings included senior Georgia desk officer at the U.S. Department of State in Washington, deputy spokesperson at the U.S. Embassy in Kyiv, and political officer at the U.S. Embassy in Moscow. Hawkins and Rashid Meredov, Turkmenistan’s foreign minister, met on Wednesday and “reaffirmed their mutual interest in further strengthening constructive Turkmen-U.S. cooperation,” Turkmenistan’s Foreign Ministry said. During her two-year tenure as ambassador, Rood helped develop the U.S. partnership with Turkmenistan as part of Washington’s trade and diplomatic outreach across Central Asia. At a farewell meeting, Rood and Meredov noted “the positive momentum” in U.S.-Turkmen cooperation in recent years, according to the Turkmen government. During her two-year tenure as ambassador, Rood was involved in building up the U.S. partnership with Turkmenistan as part of Washington’s wider trade and diplomatic outreach to countries in Central Asia. At a farewell meeting, Rood and Meredov commented on “the positive momentum” in U.S.-Turkmen cooperation in recent years, according to the Turkmen government.

Iran Says Trains Resume After Reported Strike on Railway Bridge to Turkmenistan

An alleged U.S. strike on a railway bridge on a northern Iranian line crossing into Turkmenistan highlighted concerns about Central Asian trade routes in the region. Iran, however, says it has repaired the tracks and trains are running again. The reported attack on the Aq Tekeh Khan bridge near Aqqala city in Golestan province on July 9 was part of a wave of U.S. military action against Iran after tensions over the disputed Strait of Hormuz, whose shipping lanes are key to global commerce, and the collapse of a shaky ceasefire. U.S. strikes were ongoing on Friday, while Iran has carried out drone strikes on U.S. allies in the Gulf region. There were no casualties in the strike on the bridge in Golestan, according to Iranian state-affiliated media that published photographs of what appeared to be an impact crater and twisted railway tracks. The Mehr news agency cited an Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps statement that cruise missiles hit the bridge. Reconstruction began immediately and the railway was ready for traffic less than 24 hours after the attack, the chn.ir news site and other Iranian outlets reported. Washington has not publicly commented on reports of the attack on the Aq Tekeh Khan bridge, which is part of a railway line that crosses into Turkmenistan at the Iranian border city of Incheh Borun and is a key corridor for Iranian trade with Central Asia, Russia and China. An analysis by London-based Iran International said Iran, which is under pressure from economic sanctions as well as attacks on its maritime infrastructure, relies on the route for “military logistics, civilian trade, sanctions resilience and alternative transit routes.” The reported attack on the bridge is also significant for Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan and other Central Asian countries, according to the analysis. “These countries have invested in diversified transit routes through Iran to reach Gulf ports and global markets while reducing dependence on Russian or Chinese-controlled corridors,” Iran International said. “If Iranian routes are viewed as vulnerable during conflict, governments and commercial operators may reassess their reliability.” East of the Incheh Borun railway line, another railway line between Iran and Turkmenistan crosses at the Iranian border town of Sarakhs. Iran has also been developing railway infrastructure at the border city of Loftabad, which lies between the Incheh Borun and Sarakhs lines. Shortly before Israel and the United States launched air strikes on Iran on Feb. 28, initiating the ongoing war, top railway officials from Iran and Turkmenistan met in Sarakhs to discuss ways to strengthen their cross-border railway routes. The talks were part of Iran’s effort to build “its position as a land bridge linking Central Asia to open waters,” the Tehran Times reported.

Central Asia Builds a Regional Track for Engagement with Afghanistan

The United States and Europe may have stepped back from Afghanistan, but the country’s instability still affects migration, security, trade, and humanitarian pressures far beyond its borders. Given their proximity, Central Asian states cannot and have not disengaged, and their efforts to keep Kabul connected to regional diplomacy and commerce serve interests that are also shared by the West. On June 16, the Center for Strategic Studies of Afghanistan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs convened the first Afghanistan-Central Asia Think Tank Forum in Kabul, bringing together leaders and senior representatives from strategic research institutions across the region. Held under the theme "The Strategic Role of Think Tanks in Advancing Regional Cooperation," the forum included delegations from Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Azerbaijan alongside their Afghan counterparts. [caption id="attachment_52266" align="aligncenter" width="1080"] Image: Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Afghanistan[/caption] In his keynote address, Afghanistan’s Foreign Minister Mawlawi Amir Khan Muttaqi observed that the international order stands at a delicate crossroads, divided by competing narratives and opposing camps: “Given the developments and challenges in the global structure, the current international order finds itself at a sensitive juncture in history — a period marked, on the one hand, by various illusions and contradictory narratives, and, on the other, by efforts toward cooperation and multilateralism.” In essence, Muttaqi was advocating for an international order that allows Afghanistan and its neighbors to chart their own courses while engaging constructively with willing partners. Speaking to those in his immediate region, he drew attention to shared challenges, among them climate change, water shortages, economic headwinds, and conflict spillover, and asserted that “There is no doubt that, in order to make more effective and constructive decisions and to develop indigenous narratives for our region and shared future, specialists and researchers from academic and intellectual institutions must draft practical and comprehensive roadmaps for future cooperation across various fields.” Muttaqi underscored to participants the growing recognition that regional states stand to gain more through practical cooperation than through isolation or unilateral approaches. He reaffirmed Afghanistan's commitment to advancing the research-based proposals discussed at the April Consultative Dialogue in Kabul to help inform regional political and economic decision-making. His remarks reflected a view that broad-based economic development and good-neighborly relations are mutually reinforcing foundations of societal stability within a shared civilizational context—a perspective widely shared across the Central Asian republics. That is why, for example, he highlighted the need to follow through on economic and connectivity opportunities, citing projects such as CASA-1000, Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) gas pipeline, Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan electricity transmission project (TAP-500), the Lapis Lazuli Route, and the Afghan-Trans railway. These initiatives are in various stages of development, some having been stalled for decades. Javlon Vakhabov, former Uzbek ambassador to the United States and currently Director of the International Institute for Central Asia (IICA) in Tashkent, travelled to Kabul for the Forum. In his address, he summed up the mood of the participants: “In this emerging Greater Central Asia, Afghanistan is not a periphery. It is the southern gateway of our region, linking Central...

Turkmenistan Builds Ties with Southeast Asia

Turkmenistan is expanding engagement with Southeast Asia through talks with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and new energy and tourism initiatives with Malaysia. Deputy Foreign Minister Ahmet Gurbanov visited Jakarta on July 14 for meetings with ASEAN Secretary-General Kao Kim Hourn and Indonesian officials. Gurbanov expressed Turkmenistan’s interest in expanding cooperation with ASEAN in trade, transport, energy, education, tourism, and other fields, according to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The envoy also met Dyah Roro Esti Widya Putri, Indonesia’s deputy trade minister, on the same day for discussions about trade as well as strengthening transport and logistics links. Currently, trade between Turkmenistan and countries in Southeast Asia is relatively modest. China is the top buyer of natural gas from the Central Asian country’s vast reserves. Turkey, Russia, Uzbekistan, and Kazakhstan also have longstanding trade ties with Turkmenistan, whose tight internal controls make it one of the most isolated nations in the world. Malaysia’s state-owned oil and gas company Petronas, which has operated in Turkmenistan since 1996, said last month that it had entered into new agreements there, “deepening its presence in the Caspian Sea and expanding its upstream portfolio in the country.” The production-sharing deals cover two offshore blocks and coincided with a visit to Turkmenistan by Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim. This week, he responded to a question in the Malaysian parliament about the impact of Strait of Hormuz shipping disruptions on the country’s political and economic stability, and what measures were being taken to offset the effects. In his response, Ibrahim said exploration and drilling work at the Turkmen gas blocks secured in the deal involving Petronas would begin as early as December, Malaysian newspaper New Straits Times reported this week. "This is among the fastest that has ever happened. Normally the expectation is between one-and-a-half and two years before drilling begins," the New Straits Times quoted Ibrahim as saying. In another initiative, tourism officials from Malaysia and Turkmenistan met in Ashgabat this week to exchange ideas and talk about the “steady growth” of interest among Turkmen citizens in traveling to Southeast Asia, state media in Turkmenistan reported. Nor Shazli Azmi, director of Tourism Malaysia’s office in Almaty, said 10,750 visitors from Turkmenistan traveled to Malaysia in 2025, up 42.5% from the previous year. Turkmen tourism officials said travel from Malaysia to Turkmenistan was also increasing. Turkmenistan Airlines launched direct flights between Ashgabat and Kuala Lumpur in February 2024.

Daines’s Tour Signals an Emerging U.S. Caspian Corridor Strategy

Senator Steve Daines’s July 7–9 visit to Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan brought three bilateral relationships into a single, compressed Caspian itinerary. In Baku, he met President Ilham Aliyev and senior economic and foreign-policy officials; in Astana, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev and representatives of government and business; and in Ashgabat, President Serdar Berdimuhamedov, Foreign Minister Rashid Meredov, and Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov. Although official accounts treated each stop separately, the sequence suggests a regional pattern whose significance exceeds any single announcement. Daines had already supplied the clearest public articulation of the governing logic in his June 11 speech to the Caspian Policy Center’s Trans-Caspian Forum. There he joined Central Asia and the South Caucasus in a discussion about westward connectivity, investment, and supply-chain diversification. Daines identified critical minerals, energy, telecommunications, and physical and digital infrastructure as fields for public and private investment, while calling for TRIPP, a Caspian gas interconnector, and a continuous route from Central Asia to Western markets that avoids Russia and Iran. Together, these sectors give the proposed route both commercial and strategic content, though not the form of a single named program. Read against the June speech, Daines’s itinerary marks an emerging corridor-centered effort aligned with the Trump administration’s broader Caspian engagement, even without a formal declaration of purpose. Azerbaijan Anchors the Corridor’s Western Connections Baku gives the corridor logic its strongest institutional and bilateral footing. Aliyev and Daines discussed Azerbaijan’s geopolitical role, regional peace, and TRIPP’s importance for transport connectivity. Separate meetings with Foreign Minister Jeyhun Bayramov and Economy Minister Mikayil Jabbarov extended the agenda to economic cooperation. With SOCAR President Rovshan Najaf, Jabbarov and Daines took up the Middle Corridor, energy, transport, digital development, and critical-mineral extraction and processing. Across the meetings, political, commercial, and technical portfolios converged around Azerbaijan’s place at the corridor’s western Caspian egress. The U.S.–Azerbaijan Strategic Partnership Charter, signed in February, places the Middle Corridor alongside energy, trade, transit, digital connectivity, and critical-mineral movement. It identifies Azerbaijan as an energy, transport, trade, and logistics hub for the Caspian region. Working groups regularize cooperation on trade, energy, connectivity, digital development, and security. The charter also calls for project lists and implementation roadmaps within three months of signing and for meetings at least once a year. In June, the first Azerbaijan-U.S. Economic Dialogue began translating that direction into an operational agenda. Government, financial institutions, and private-sector participants met on regional connectivity and transit, energy security, investment, artificial intelligence, and digital infrastructure. The agenda connected the Middle Corridor and TRIPP with logistics, the Southern Gas Corridor, critical mineral supply chains, transport and energy investment, and the Alat Free Economic Zone. Closing documents covered digital infrastructure, technology transfer, and industrial solutions. The workstreams are clear, but the consolidated project portfolio and its financing have yet to take public form. Azerbaijan’s role also rests on physical infrastructure already in use. The established Middle Corridor crosses Kazakhstan and the Caspian before passing through Azerbaijan and Georgia, then onward toward Türkiye or Europe via the Black Sea. At Alat, 70 kilometers...