Kazakhstan Temir Zholy

Kazakhstan, Russia and China Create New Transport Hub

Kazakhstan’s national railways company Kazakhstan Temir Zholy (KTZ), Russia’s Slavtrans-Service JSC, and China’s Xian Free Trade Port Construction and Operation Co., Ltd have begun construction on a new transport and logistics center, CRK Terminal, at Selyatino station in the Moscow region.

The new logistics hub is designed to develop direct transport links between the Kazakh-Chinese terminal in Xi’an (China), Russia and other countries.

In 2023 the volume of cargo transported by rail between China and Russia through Kazakhstan amounted to 3.8 million tons, an increase of 35% compared to 2022. In the first quarter of 2024, transit traffic along the China-Russia-China route remained at a stable 0.9 million tons.

 

 

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@azathabar.com

Strapped For Cash: Officials in Turkmenistan Have to Buy Watches With the Berdymukhamedovs’ Faces on Them

In Turkmenistan’s Balkan province, heads of government agencies are being forced to buy wristwatches with the current president Serdar Berdymukhamedov and his father, the previous president Gurbanguly Berdymukhamedov on the face. They cost from 1,500 to 3,000 manats ($430-$860 at the state exchange rate or $75-$150 at the black-market rate), according to a report by Radio Azatlyk.

The heads of all departments — including healthcare, education, law enforcement, transport and communication companies — at the velayat (regional) and etrap (district) levels are required to buy wristwatches with portraits of the Berdymukhamedovs elder and younger.

The heads of higher-level offices were obliged to buy a commemorative watch with double portraits costing 3,000 manats, while the heads of small budgetary organizations will have to shell out 1,500 manats for the watch.

According to Azatlyk, several different watches are available. The most expensive one has a portrait of Serdar Berdymukhamedov in a black tie on the left and his father Gurbanguly Berdymukhamedov, now chairman of the Halk Maslahaty (People’s Council), in a red tie on the right. The flag of Turkmenistan is placed at the top of the face, and there is a map of the country at the bottom.

Other watches have only the portrait of Serdar Berdymukhamedov and a map, while the third watch has him with the flag and map.

During the reign of independent Turkmenistan’s first leader Saparmurat Niyazov, watches with his portrait were also produced and given as gifts to schoolchildren and employees of state-run and government agencies.

A government worker from the town of Turkmenbashi told Azatlyk’s correspondent: “We used to see watches with the president’s image during Niyazov’s time. It is not surprising that Serdar Berdymukhamedov has also started producing gift watches with his portrait on them. Now all that’s left is for him to start installing statues to himself all over the country.”

“We already can’t make ends meet because of constant extortions to buy books and [attend] various events,” the frustrated worker added.

 

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Kazakhstan Transport Ministry

Digitalization Eases Cargo Processing on the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route

On 30 April , Singaporean company Global DTC gave a presentation of multimodal platforms Digital Trade Corridor and Tez Customs at Kazakhstan’s Ministry of Transport.

The demonstration reiterated benefits afforded by digitalization in ensuring transparency and high-speed transit of goods through Kazakhstan along the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route (TITR) connecting China and Europe through Central Asia and the Caucasus.

The DTC platform, and particularly its Track & Trace service, allows shippers to track the location of cargo and its customs status online, as well as update information on transport documents along the entire route.

Work on the technical integration for Track & Trace in Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan has now been completed, and its integration in Georgia is ongoing. Negotiations are also underway with Chinese and European partners.

The introduction of the Tez Customs platform, by offering automated, paperless customs transit clearance, registration and electronic transit declaration, has reduced processing to just 30 minutes.

During the first quarter of this year, cargo traffic along the TITR increased by 33% compared to the same period last year.

 

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Image: TCA, Aleksandr Potolitsyn

Central Asia Has a Problem, and It Is Russia

By Bruce Pannier

The wave of xenophobia targeting Central Asians in Russia that has followed the terrorist March 22 attack on Moscow’s Crocus City Hall presents many problems for Central Asia, including concerns about what sort of friend Russia really is.

As reports of attacks on Central Asians in Russia multiplied in the last days of March, April saw a flurry of meetings of Central Asian leaders.

Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev met Uzbekistan President Shavkat Mirziyoyev in Khiva, Uzbekistan on April 4-5. At the same time, the chairman of Turkmenistan’s Halk Maslahaty (People’s Council), former President Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov was in Tajikistan meeting with Tajik President Emomali Rahmon. Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov visited Kazakhstan on April 18-19, meanwhile, the same days that Uzbek President Mirziyoyev was in Tajikistan for talks with his counterpart Rahmon.

Reports of their meetings focused on praising fraternal ties and signing bilateral agreements. There was no mention of any discussions about the rapidly unfolding dilemma with Russia.

The people Russia claims staged the attack that left more than 140 people dead are Tajiks, some of whom acquired Russian citizenship, others who were migrant laborers. There are at least four million migrant laborers from Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan working in Russia and some estimates put the number at double that figure, or more.

In the wake of the attack, all Central Asians fell under suspicion in Russia. Passengers from Central Asia arriving in Russia were held up at airports for extra document checks, sometimes for more than 24 hours. Russian police raided dormitories and other facilities where Central Asian migrant laborers were known to stay.

The first four Tajik suspects apprehended were shown on Russian television. They had clearly been tortured. An FSB member had cut part of the ear off one of the suspects and fellow FSB troops filmed him forcing the severed piece of ear into the mouth of the suspect.

Russia was a colonizer of Central Asia and the leaders of the five Central Asian countries are well aware of that history. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in late 1991, whenever Central Asian and Russian officials meet, they speak of historically friendly ties and valued partnerships.

It has often been difficult to make this image credible to Central Asia’s people, particularly after Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in late February 2022.

Some Russian nationalists, including politicians, have spoken about reclaiming “historic Russian land,” usually mentioning part or all of Kazakhstan.

Chairman of Russia’s Investigative Committee Aleksandr Bastrykin said in May 2023 that military service in Ukraine should be mandatory for migrant laborers seeking Russian citizenship, and State Duma Deputy Mikhail Matveev backed this call, adding, “Where are our Tajik battalions?“

There are many other such examples since February 2022. Both Russian and Central Asian government officials have downplayed these remarks, saying they are the views of an individual and do not reflect the position of the Russian government.

However, In January 2024, Deputy Speaker of Uzbekistan’s lower house of parliament Alisher Qodirov questioned why, if these were not the Russian government’s views, were such comments allowed to continue.

Qodirov was responding to comments from Russian nationalist politician Zakhar Prilepin, who told a Moscow press conference in December 2023 that Russia should annex Uzbekistan since two million Uzbek citizens were working in Russia; and also to remarks a month later from Russian historian Mikhail Smolin who appeared on Russia’s NTV channel and said Uzbeks (and Kazakhs and Azerbaijanis) did not exist as a people prior to the Bolshevik Revolution.

“It seems,” Qodirov said, “[the Russian authorities] are interested in such rhetoric.”

That was prior to the Crocus City Hall attack, and if it was previously possible to ascribe racist remarks to a select group of Russians, since the attack reports of average Russians attacking Central Asians have become frequent.

One video purportedly shows a Tajik schoolgirl being beaten in a classroom by Russian boys as their teachers looks on and does nothing to stop it.

A Kyrgyz woman named Ayperi Zhumaaly kyzy recounted how in Moscow, a Russian man she did not know kicked her, hit her in the face, and told her, “You’re all terrorists. You should not be in Russia. Get out of here!”

In another video, a group of young Russian males in the Moscow metro scream at a girl from Yakutia, an area of northeastern Siberia that has been part of Russia since the 17th Century, that Russia is for Russians.

Russian officials do not seem interested in calling on the country’s people to stop these attacks, and the Russian police have not been active in apprehending any of the attackers.

People in Central Asia see these social networks posts and likely hear many more such stories from friends and relatives working in Russia.

There is no way to hide what’s happening in Russia from the Central Asian people and no way to attribute such acts to an isolated few people in Russia. That does not mean all, or even most Russians feel or act this way, but the people responsible for these attacks are ordinary Russian citizens and they do not seem to face any repercussions for their actions.

This must have been a topic of private discussions during these meetings of the Central Asian leaders. They have to publicly tell their people Russia is an ally, a partner, and a friend. The big question now is, does anyone, including the Central Asian leaders, still believe this to be true?

 

Bruce Pannier is a Central Asia Fellow in the Eurasia Program at the Foreign Policy Research Institute, the advisory board at the Caspian Policy Center, and a longtime journalist and correspondent covering Central Asia. He currently appears regularly on the Majlis podcast for RFE/RL.

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Kazakhstan Ministry of Energy

Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan to Export Green Power to Europe

On 1 May , Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Uzbekistan’s ministers of energy gathered in Tashkent to sign a memorandum of cooperation aimed at connecting their countries’ energy systems.

The focus of the initiative is to explore means of connecting energy systems via a high-voltage cable embedded in the Caspian Sea to enable further export of green energy from Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Uzbekistan to European Union countries.

Referencing the parties’ earlier draft technical specification for the deep-sea cable, Kazakhstan’s Minister of Energy Almasadam Satkaliev stated, “A proposed business model will be prepared for the development of international transmission corridors – financing, revenue, ownership – and the sale of green energy to European Union countries.”

Meanwhile, Asiaplustj.info reports that Tajikistan is still not being envisioned as a part of the system. As that publication notes, Uzbekistan’s energy system currently operates in parallel with the energy systems of Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan within the framework of the United Energy System of Central Asia (UES CA), which was created under the Soviet Union.

This system was abandoned by Turkmenistan in 2003 because Uzbekistan refused to allow transit of Turkmen-produced electricity through its infrastructure.

“In November 2009, after a major accident in Tajikistan’s energy system, Uzbekistan unilaterally left the UES CA, which automatically left Tajikistan out of this system as well. In 2018, Uzbekistan restored parallel operation within the regional system. Since 2019, with financial support from the Asian Development Bank, work has been underway to bring Tajikistan back into the unified energy ring of Central Asia. The Ministry of Energy of Tajikistan last summer reported on its intentions… to join the regional system by the end of 2023. but this has not happened so far,” the report noted.

 

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Painted scenes of former shops adorn the blown-out ground-floor windows in Shushi/Shusha prior to the 2020 war; photo: TCA

Kazakhstan Says It’s Ready to Host Azerbaijan-Armenia Talks; No Date Announced

Kazakhstan’s president said on Wednesday that he hopes planned talks in Almaty between Azerbaijan and Armenia will lead to a lasting peace in the South Caucasus, though he did not provide a date for the negotiations.

“I welcome the agreement between the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Republic of Armenia to hold talks at the Foreign Ministers’ level on the preparation of a peace treaty between the two states, at the suggestion of the Kazakh side,” President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev said in a statement. He said he hoped the upcoming meeting would help with the “practical implementation” of agreements between the two sides.

Armenia and Azerbaijan have been locked in tension and conflict over territory since the 1990s, though the two sides have been working to delineate their borders following Azerbaijan’s retaking of control of the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region last year.

Kazakh Foreign Ministry spokesman Aibek Smadiyarov said this week that Kazakhstan is supporting the talks but will not act as mediator, according to reports in Azerbaijan and Armenia.

“The upcoming negotiations will be held exclusively between the parties,” Armenian radio quoted Smadiyarov as saying. “We are not talking about Astana’s mediation, we are only providing goodwill services, the so-called good offices.”

Kazakhstan benefits economically from stability in the Caucasus because it exports oil through Azerbaijan. In March, Azerbaijan’s energy minister met his counterpart in Kazakhstan to discuss boosting Kazakh oil flows via the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline.

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