• KGS/USD = 0.01144 -0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00193 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09242 0.33%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28615 0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 -0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00193 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09242 0.33%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28615 0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 -0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00193 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09242 0.33%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28615 0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 -0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00193 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09242 0.33%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28615 0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 -0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00193 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09242 0.33%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28615 0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 -0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00193 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09242 0.33%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28615 0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 -0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00193 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09242 0.33%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28615 0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 -0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00193 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09242 0.33%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28615 0.14%
13 April 2025

Viewing results 1 - 6 of 277

Excitement Mounts After Trio of Central Asian Countries Launch Joint Bid to Host 2031 AFC Cup

On February 24, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan officially submitted a joint bid to host the 2031 AFC Asian Football Cup. If selected, the 2031 tournament would be the first top-level football event hosted in Central Asia. Central Asian Football Association (CAFA) President Rustam Emomali – the eldest son of Tajik President Emomali Rahmon - displayed his enthusiasm following the bid. “Our Central Asian region has never hosted the final part of the Asian Cup. I think the time has come. Our region is represented by very strong teams, and I am confident that together with the fraternal countries, we will host the final part of the Asian Cup at the highest level,” he stated. Whilst a joint bid amongst Central Asia countries has stoked excitement for many in the region, they currently face strong competition to host the event. The UAE, Kuwait, Australia, Indonesia, and South Korea have all signaled their intention to bid to be the tournament’s next host. Whilst none of the three Central Asian nations have hosted a top-level football tournament, Uzbekistan has experience with similar events after hosting the AFC U-20 and U-23 tournaments and the Futsal World Cup in 2024. However, after attending the Futsal World Cup, Uzbek fan Farrukh Irnazarov is nervous that the authorities may not promote the event aggressively enough. “When Uzbekistan hosts an event like this, they’re very serious about it. However, unfortunately their biggest concern is security. [The Futsal World Cup] wasn’t heavily publicized, and many people weren’t aware we were hosting it,” he told The Times of Central Asia. To be considered for the bid, all three countries will need to complete stadium renovations by the time the AFC committee makes its decision in 2026. Uzbekistan is the most prepared of the three, with stadiums already at international tournament capacity in Tashkent, Namangan, Fergana, and Qarshi. A stadium with a minimum capacity of 50,000 seats is required for the final, and Bishkek has already volunteered. Tashkent and Dushanbe are also revamping their respective stadiums, as the host nations must have two cities with 40,000-seat stadiums for the semi-finals in the tournament. [caption id="attachment_30647" align="aligncenter" width="2048"] The Dolon Omurzakov Stadium in Bishkek; image: TCA, Joe Luc Barnes[/caption] What is the AFC Asian Cup? The AFC Asian Cup is an Asian (plus Australia) football competition that has been held every four years since 1956. The previous tournament was held in 2023 in Qatar, which saw the host nation become champions. The tournament started with just four teams: South Korea, Israel, South Vietnam, and Hong Kong, playing a round-robin style tournament before expanding to 24 teams in 2019. Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan have already qualified for the next tournament in Saudi Arabia in 2027, whilst Tajikistan and Turkmenistan need to win their group in the final round of qualification to participate. However, for the 2031 tournament, if Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan see their bid accepted, all three teams will qualify automatically. Central Asia’s best tournament result came with a fourth-place finish by Uzbekistan...

The Ruthless History of the Great Game in Central Asia

In the so-called New Great Game, Central Asia is no longer a mere backdrop; with its strategic location, massive oil and gas reserves, and newfound deposits of critical raw materials, it’s a key player. In stark contrast to events in the 19th century, this time, Central Asia finds itself courted by four great powers - China, the EU, the U.S., and Russia - instead of caught in the crosshairs of conquest. The region finds itself with agency. However, the original Great Game was anything but fair play. Comprising vast steppes, nomadic horsemen, descendants of Genghis Khan’s Great Horde, and a lone nation of Persians, during the 19th century, the once-thriving Silk Road states became entangled in a high-stakes battle of expansion and espionage between Britain and Russia. Afghanistan became the buffer zone, while the rest of the region fell under Russian control, vanishing behind what became known as the “Iron Curtain” for almost a century. The term “Great Game” was first coined by British intelligence officer Arthur Conolly in the 19th century, during his travels through the fiercely contested region between the Caucasus and the Khyber. He used it in a letter to describe the geopolitical chessboard unfolding before him. While Conolly introduced the idea, it was Rudyard Kipling who made it famous in his 1904 novel Kim, depicting the contest as the epic power clash between Tsarist Russia and the British Empire over India. Conolly’s reports impressed both Calcutta and London, highlighting Afghanistan’s strategic importance. Britain pledged to win over Afghan leaders — through diplomacy, if possible, and by force, if necessary. The Afghan rulers found themselves caught in a barrage of imperial ambition, as the British and Russian Empires played on their vulnerabilities to serve their own strategic goals. Former Ambassador Sergio Romano summed it up perfectly in I Luoghi della Storia: "The Afghans spent much of the 19th century locked in a diplomatic and military chess match with the great powers — the infamous 'Great Game,' where the key move was turning the Russians against the Brits and the Brits against the Russians." The Great Game can be said to have been initiated on January 12, 1830, when Lord Ellenborough, President of the Board of Control for India, instructed Lord William Bentinck, the Governor-General, to create a new trade route to the Emirate of Bukhara. Britain aimed to dominate Afghanistan, turning it into a protectorate, while using the Ottoman Empire, Persian Empire, Khanate of Khiva, and Emirate of Bukhara as buffer states. This strategy was designed to safeguard India and key British sea trade routes, blocking Russia from accessing the Persian Gulf or the Indian Ocean. Russia countered by proposing Afghanistan as a neutral zone. The ensuing conflicts included the disastrous First Anglo-Afghan War (1838), the First Anglo-Sikh War (1845), the Second Anglo-Sikh War (1848), the Second Anglo-Afghan War (1878), and Russia’s annexation of Kokand. At the start of the Central Asian power struggle, both Britain and Russia had scant knowledge of the region's people, terrain, or...

A New Great Game: Multipolar Competition in Central Asia

At a time when the European Union, China, and Turkey are seeking to strengthen their presence in Central Asia, the United States administration is consumed with bilaterally implementing a seismic shift in its trade policy with the entire world. Although this region of post-Soviet space is widely seen as a new front of rivalry between Washington and Beijing, in many aspects, American influence in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan lags far behind that of other actors. Culture (soft power) has always played an important role in the foreign policy of every great power. The Soviet Union was no exception. As a result, even today, Russian, rather than English, is still the lingua franca in Central Asia, although Moscow, following its invasion of Ukraine, has had a hard time preserving remnants of its former dominance in the region. Russian cinema, however, maintains a notable presence in most, if not all, Central Asian states. While Hollywood movies have a strong global presence, Russian films in Central Asia often act as a link between Western content and the region's cultural traditions. Millions of Central Asian migrants working in Russia also serve as a bridge between their nations and the Russian Federation, facilitating cultural exchange, economic ties, and the spread of the Russian language. However, Russia’s fiasco in Ukraine has created space for the EU to assert its influence in a region that has traditionally been in Moscow’s geopolitical orbit. Nevertheless, although Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, are Tajikistan are members of the Russian-led Collective Security Treaty Organization, they have remained neutral in the Ukraine conflict. For Central Asian nations, the EU serves as a counterweight they can use to balance their relations with Moscow. The EU, however, faces strong economic competition from China. With a trade volume of $94.8 billion with Central Asian states, Beijing is positioning itself as the major economic power operating in the five regional nations. Although the European Union’s influence in Central Asia is expected to continue to grow in the coming years, if investment trends from recent years persist, the balance in the region will likely tilt towards China, which will increase its presence and influence at the expense of Russia. But where does the United States fit into this dynamic? Even though the U.S. is the largest economy in the world, with which almost everyone wants to engage, American bilateral trade with the region has never been particularly strong, with the exception of Kazakhstan. Interestingly enough, it is Astana that is expected to suffer the most among Central Asian actors due to U.S. President Donald Trump’s decision to impose tariffs – 27% on Kazakhstan compared to 10% on all other nations in the region. Exceptions may be made for Kazakhstan’s critical minerals, however, which are now the third largest in the world based on a recent discovery, with reports suggesting that some goods, including “certain minerals that are not available in the United States,” as well as energy, will not be subject to the tariffs. According to Kazakhstan’s Ministry...

Culture, Climate, and Clean Water: Summit Outlines New Efforts to Restore the Aral Sea Region

From April 4 to 6, the first Aral Culture Summit took place in Karakalpakstan, bringing together local and international scientists, artists, and activists. Their goal: to find creative ways to support the social and environmental recovery of the Aral Sea region. The summit is the first in a series of global cultural initiatives taking place throughout 2025 and supported by Uzbekistan Art and Culture Development Foundation. Scheduled to be held every 18 months, the summit is designed to act as a space for exchanging ideas and building new solutions. This year’s program included panels, cultural events, and a pop-up market featuring local artists and businesses. It focused on how art, design, and science can help Karakalpakstan grow in sustainable ways and attract new eco-friendly businesses. [caption id="attachment_30519" align="aligncenter" width="1280"] Summit opening in Samarkand; image: ACDF[/caption] The first day of the summit was linked with the Samarkand International Climate Forum, which was attended by over 2,000 foreign guests, including top officials from the European Union, the United Nations, and Central Asian governments. They discussed urgent climate problems in the region, including desertification, water shortages, and rising temperatures. Uzbekistan’s President Shavkat Mirziyoyev spoke about steps being taken to slow land degradation. “To reduce the area of degraded lands and mitigate the consequences of climate change, Uzbekistan has been carrying out large-scale greening in the framework of the Yashil Makon project. Additionally, over two million hectares of the deserted Aral Sea region is now covered with drought-resistant plants,” he said. Mirziyoyev also warned that water shortages will increase in the region by 2040 and stressed the need for stronger cooperation, telling those assembled, “We urge our partners to join the efforts and launch a Regional Program for Implementation of Water Saving Technologies in Central Asia.” Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev also shared concerns about climate challenges, pointing out that the "temperature in the region is rising twice as fast as the global average.” Tokayev highlighted joint efforts with Uzbekistan to green the dried bottom of the Aral Sea. “Central Asia is profoundly affected by the global climate crisis,” Gayane Umerova, Chairperson of the Uzbekistan Art and Culture Development Foundation (ACDF) told those in attendance. “Rising temperatures, altered rainfall patterns, and intensified droughts are severely impacting agriculture, water resources, and livelihoods across our region. No example illustrates this better than the tragedy of the Aral Sea. But healing the land goes hand in hand with healing communities.” [caption id="attachment_30521" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] Desert ship, Moynaq; image: TCA, Stephen M. Bland[/caption] A striking example of the shrinking of the Aral Sea is the forgotten hamlet of Moynaq. At its peak, the town was home to 60,000 people, mostly fishermen and their extended families, with the Aral Sea producing up to 30% of the Soviet catch and saving Russia from widespread famine in the 1920s. Accessible only by air and ferry well into the 1970s, Moynaq also served as a popular beach resort for well-heeled bureaucrats, its airport hosting fifty flights a day at its peak. By the...

Mirziyoyev Champions a Flourishing Central Asia by Enhancing Collaboration With the European Union

The global landscape is transforming, driven by geopolitical instability, economic uncertainties, and climate-related challenges. These dynamics are fostering innovative forms of international collaboration. A notable example of this shift is the remarkable fourfold increase in trade between Central Asia and the European Union over the past seven years, culminating in an impressive €54 billion. This surge highlights a growing interest among European businesses in the diverse markets of Central Asia, strategically situated at the intersection of crucial global trade routes. Against this backdrop, the Central Asia-EU summit was held over two days in Samarkand, the "Eternal City", on April 3-4, 2025. During his inaugural address on April 3, 2025, Uzbekistan's President Shavkat Mirziyoyev articulated the summit's significance, stating his view that this gathering represented a transformative moment that could redefine regional partnerships. Mirziyoyev reflected on the deep historical connections and shared interests driving the momentum toward closer ties with the EU. The choice of Samarkand — renowned for its rich historical legacy as a center of trade, science, and diplomacy — as the venue for this significant meeting was particularly poignant, as it symbolizes the intersection of cultures and ideas. Mirziyoyev evoked the historical interactions between Amir Temur and European monarchs, underscoring Samarkand as a melting pot of diversity and intellectual exchange. He introduced the notion of the “Samarkand spirit,” which he described as a symbol of unity and interconnectedness that could serve as the foundation for a new chapter in international relations. The President emphasized the sweeping transformations occurring in Central Asia, reinforcing Uzbekistan’s dedication to nurturing good-neighborly relations built on mutual benefit. Miriyoyev candidly acknowledged the region's history of conflicts and disputes but expressed hope for a shift toward constructive dialogue and trust, pointing to the recent resolution of border disputes between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan as a concrete example of this positive trajectory. Furthermore, he elaborated on ongoing initiatives to establish border trade zones, joint investment funds, and transportation corridors that could enhance connectivity and economic collaboration. Mirziyoyev outlined several key priorities: fortifying regional security, advancing economic integration, and promoting environmental sustainability. He conveyed a sense of optimism, proclaiming, "We are facing a historic chance to make our region not only sustainable but also prosperous." The President discussed Uzbekistan's comprehensive economic reforms to create a conducive business environment and liberalize the foreign exchange market. He expressed optimism that the Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (EPCA) with the EU would significantly enhance trade and investment relations and proposed aligning the EU's Global Gateway strategy with regional transport initiatives to support this. He also advocated for developing an Action Plan for the Trans-Caspian Transport Corridor. Additionally, he believes there is potential to establish Tashkent as a financial center similar to Hong Kong, as the initial conditions meet the necessary criteria. On energy matters, Mirziyoyev positioned Central Asia as a dependable partner for Europe, highlighting the region's potential to contribute to energy stability and decarbonization efforts. He cited the ambitious Green Strategic Corridor project and the prospect of a Central Asia-EU...

Samarkand Declaration Paves the Way for a Stronger Central Asia–EU Partnership

The inaugural Central Asia-European Union Summit, held in Samarkand on April 3-4, marked a significant milestone in strengthening ties between the two regions. According to Sherzod Asadov, press secretary to Uzbekistan's President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, the summit's most significant outcome is the adoption of the Samarkand Declaration, which is expected to provide strong momentum for expanding constructive dialogue and cooperation across all sectors. In a statement, the EU reaffirmed its "commitment to deeper cooperation in an evolving global and regional geopolitical landscape [and] upgrade relations between the European Union and Central Asia to a strategic partnership." The EU declaration also committed the bloc to respect the "sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states within the framework of all international and regional fora" and expressed readiness to "address common security challenges." Strengthening Economic Ties Economic cooperation featured prominently on the agenda. Since 2020, trade between Uzbekistan and the EU has doubled, now exceeding €6 billion. Uzbek exports to the EU have quadrupled, and the number of joint ventures has surpassed a thousand. European investment projects in Uzbekistan, meanwhile, are now valued at over €30 billion. A key development was the agreement to open a regional office of the European Investment Bank (EIB) in Tashkent. Established in 1958, the EIB is the EU’s primary financial institution, and its new office is expected to attract greater investment in green energy, modern infrastructure, and digitalization. The European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) has also deepened its engagement in Uzbekistan, investing over €5 billion to date. “We must work together to simplify trade procedures and ensure that Central Asian products gain greater access to European markets. Only through joint efforts can we build a strong and resilient economic partnership,” Mirziyoyev told Euronews. "Over the past seven years, the trade turnover between Central Asian countries and the EU has quadrupled, amounting to 54 billion euros... The signing of the Samarkand Declaration will reflect the common aspiration of the parties to establish a strategic partnership and lay the foundation for deepening ties between our regions." During the summit, Mirziyoyev met with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and European Council President António Costa. Discussions focused on trade, investment, green energy, and digital development, with the EU’s "Global Gateway” strategy, a counterpart to China’s Belt and Road Initiative, a central topic. The initiative is seeking to enhance global infrastructure and connectivity while promoting sustainability and transparency. “The EU and Central Asia are becoming closer partners, and this summit marks the beginning of a new phase in our cooperation,” von der Leyen stated. An Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between Uzbekistan and the EU is also under negotiation. Regional Dialogue Among Central Asian Leaders The Summit also offered a platform for Central Asian heads of state to hold bilateral discussions. Mirziyoyev met with his counterparts from Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan. Talks centered on increasing trade, improving border security, and advancing major infrastructure projects. A recent landmark border agreement between Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan was lauded as a breakthrough. Uzbekistan...