• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00198 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10857 -0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00198 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10857 -0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00198 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10857 -0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00198 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10857 -0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00198 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10857 -0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00198 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10857 -0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00198 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10857 -0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00198 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10857 -0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
05 December 2025

Viewing results 1 - 6 of 124

U.S. Waiver of Sanctions on Iran’s Chabahar Port is Good News for Central Asia

U.S. sanctions on Iran’s Chabahar Port on the Gulf of Oman have been on again/off again since 2013, when the U.S. Congress passed the Iran Freedom and Counter-Proliferation Act (IFCA) to curb Iran’s regional influence and strategic capabilities through targeted economic pressure, aka sanctions. In the decade following IFCA’s passage, Washington’s sanctions on Chabahar had a negative impact on Central Asia, largely by complicating its efforts to deepen economic ties with South Asia and the Gulf. But geopolitics are shifting. Washington is increasing its involvement in Central Asia and India, and is doing the same in Afghanistan. These factors may well induce the U.S. Department of State to keep the waiver in place. Washington first waived its sanctions on Chabahar in 2018—a strategic move to support India's role in Afghanistan's post-war development and to provide a crucial trade route for that landlocked country. Six years later, India's Indian Ports Global Limited secured a 10-year deal with Iran to manage Chabahar port, in part, to offset Pakistan’s Gwadar port at the end of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, a mere 100 miles from Chabahar. For all the fanfare, Central Asia held little real priority in Washington in those years. Seven years later, the U.S. changed course. It announced on September 16, 2025, much to Central Asia’s surprise and concern, that “the State Department has revoked the sanctions exception issued in 2018 under the IFCA”, making individuals involved in Iran’s Chabahar port operations subject to penalties, resulting in another snag in Central Asia’s desire for a southern breakout route. And then, in a swift reversal, the U.S. restored India’s sanctions waiver some six weeks later, on October 30. Whatever might explain the sudden change, Central Asia breathed a sigh of relief, and, by all accounts, now feels confident that the waiver will be evergreened. Time will tell if this confidence is justified. The U.S. waiver enables India to work to enhance Chabahar’s infrastructure and functionality, offering Central Asian exporters a more direct and profitable trade route than those via China, Russia, or the Middle Corridor, which stretches from East Asia to Europe via Kazakhstan, the Caspian Sea, Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Türkiye. As a result, goods like minerals, cotton, and energy products can reach regional and global markets faster. Central Asian capitals are quietly reveling in Washington’s flexible realpolitik in the face of convulsive U.S.-Iranian relations and heated Indo-Pakistan tensions. Without fear of punitive measures, India can now continue its work at Chabahar.  To be sure, the waiver affirms India’s rising global presence and accelerates New Delhi’s drive into Central Asia, including Afghanistan. Washington’s decision signaled to traders, investors, and think tankers that it has no intention of spoiling India’s export ambitions and Central Asia’s desire for north-south economic integration. The waiver shows Washington’s pragmatism—and is welcomed by those who have little or no use for Washington’s penchant for foreign policy moralism. Chabahar Port complements not only the Trans-Caspian corridor—a multimodal trade route connecting Asia and Europe by linking China to Europe through Central...

Uzbekistan to Build Central Asia’s Largest Ethanol Refinery

Allied Biofuels FE LLC and India’s Praj Industries Ltd have signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) to construct what is set to become Central Asia’s largest ethanol refinery in Uzbekistan’s Khorezm region, the companies announced on November 17. Praj will provide first-generation ethanol technology, proprietary equipment, and full-spectrum support, including design, engineering, procurement, and commissioning. The planned facility will produce 890 tonnes of 95% ethanol per day, or approximately 293,700 tonnes annually, using sorghum as the primary feedstock. The plant will also capture biogenic CO₂ generated during the production process. Allied Biofuels intends to convert this ethanol into 160,400 tonnes of Sustainable Aviation Fuel (SAF) and 5,040 tonnes of green diesel each year. Biogenic CO₂ will also be combined with synthesis gas and green hydrogen, produced from 2,000 MW of PEM electrolysers, to generate 257,000 tonnes of Electro-Sustainable Aviation Fuel (e-SAF) annually. The project represents the first phase in establishing Central Asia’s first integrated refinery for SAF, e-SAF, and green diesel. According to the companies, the initiative supports Uzbekistan’s climate objectives and aligns with the goals of the national Net Zero Emissions Office. “This MOU is a landmark moment for Uzbekistan and for Central Asia’s clean-energy future,” said Alfred Benedict, Chairman and Managing Director of Allied Biofuels. “This project will strengthen energy security, reduce emissions, and create long-term economic opportunities for the region.” Praj Industries Chairman Dr. Pramod Chaudhari added, “With our proven expertise and advanced technologies, Praj will help develop the ethanol facility and support Uzbekistan in advancing its sustainability targets.” The investment is expected to generate hundreds of skilled jobs and position Uzbekistan as a regional leader in advanced biofuels. The Times of Central Asia has previously reported on Uzbekistan’s increased emphasis on renewable energy and efforts to attract international clean-technology partnerships.

Central Asia Deepens Trade Links with India Amid Growing Economic Ties

Trade between the countries of Central Asia and India is growing, edging closer to the $2 billion mark and signaling a new phase in cooperation across the Eurasian continent. According to data from the Eurasian Development Bank (EDB), this surge reflects the expanding economic footprint of both regions. Nikolay Podguzov, Chairman of the EDB, emphasized that Central Asia and India are not only continental neighbors but also markets with significant untapped potential. Of the bank’s seven member states, four — Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan — form the heart of Central Asia. Their growing engagement with New Delhi is now setting the tone for broader regional cooperation. Strong Growth as a Foundation The economic fundamentals supporting this trend are healthy. Central Asia has maintained steady growth of around 4.5% annually, while India’s economy continues to expand even faster, at roughly 6% per year. But despite this positive backdrop, there are still logistical hurdles. Trade routes between India and Central Asia must pass through intermediary countries such as Iran, Russia, or Azerbaijan — each adding layers of bureaucracy, customs costs, and delays. Experts argue that overcoming these transit bottlenecks will be crucial if India and Central Asia are to unlock the full potential of their partnership. New initiatives like the International North-South Transport Corridor and discussions on India’s role in developing Chabahar Port in Iran reflect ongoing efforts to make these pathways more efficient. Kazakhstan: The Leading Partner Kazakhstan is India’s largest trading partner in Central Asia, with bilateral trade crossing $1 billion — more than half of the region’s total trade with India. Astana supplies uranium, which is important for India’s civilian nuclear energy program, along with crude oil and steel products. In return, India exports pharmaceuticals, textiles, and consumer goods, with exports valued at around $260 million. The two countries also collaborate in strategic sectors such as energy security and defense. In 2022, India and Kazakhstan conducted joint military drills under the Kazind exercise, which reflects a broadening relationship beyond commerce. Uzbekistan: A Growing Market Trade with Uzbekistan has risen steadily, approaching $500 million in bilateral turnover, while India’s exports to Uzbekistan are valued at around $1.3 billion. Pharmaceuticals, machinery, and agricultural products dominate New Delhi’s exports, while Uzbekistan provides fruits, minerals, and cotton to the Indian market. Uzbekistan and India recently increased engagement through forums like the India-Central Asia Dialogue, where issues of connectivity, counterterrorism, and energy cooperation are regularly discussed. Tajikistan: Small but Strategic Although trade volumes with Tajikistan hover around $100 million, the partnership has strategic importance. Aluminium from Tajikistan’s massive TALCO smelter is a key export, while India provides medicines and consumer goods to Tajikistan. Beyond commerce, Dushanbe is a vital security partner for New Delhi. India operates a military facility in Tajikistan — the Farkhor Air Base, its only such presence abroad. Kyrgyzstan: Modest Trade, Strong Ties Kyrgyzstan’s trade with India is relatively small, at about $50 million, but the relationship is significant in the context of regional institutions like the Eurasian Economic Union...

Indian Gold Miners Enter Kyrgyz Market for the First Time

Indian mining firm Deccan Gold Mines has launched operations at the Altyn Tor gold deposit in Kyrgyzstan’s Naryn region, marking the first overseas venture by an Indian gold mining company, according to Indian media reports. The project is being developed through Deccan's local subsidiary, Avelum Partners LLC, which holds a 60% stake in the mine. Production of doré bars is scheduled to begin in October 2025. Geological assessments estimate the Altyn Tor deposit contains approximately 4.6 million tons of gold-bearing ore with an average grade of 1.2 grams per ton, translating to roughly 60 tons of total gold reserves. Hanuma Prasad Modali, CEO of Deccan Gold Mines, said preparations are progressing on schedule. “Eleven conveyor systems have been installed at the site, and the crushing complex has been tested. In early September, the ball mill, one of the key components of the processing plant, will go online, enabling us to reach design capacity as planned,” Modali stated. The company has positioned the project as a model of responsible mining, aiming to strengthen bilateral ties between India and Kyrgyzstan. Despite challenging climatic conditions at the site’s 3,300-meter elevation, year-round production is planned. Altyn Tor forms part of the larger Solton-Sary gold deposit, originally discovered by Soviet geologists in the 1940s. Mining activity at the site was active through the 1990s and early 2000s but later ceased due to insufficient investment. Deccan Gold Mines is also evaluating the potential for processing materials in the tailings pond, where residual gold remains. The company remains the only publicly listed gold mining firm on the Indian stock exchange. News of its overseas expansion triggered a surge in share prices. Earlier, Kyrgyzaltyn, the state-owned holding company, confirmed that production at the site was expected to commence in the second half of 2024.

Uzbekistan, India Boost Strategic Partnership in High-Level Call

Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev spoke with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi on August 12, 2025, in a telephone conversation aimed at deepening the strategic partnership between Uzbekistan and India. The two leaders discussed expanding cooperation across trade, connectivity, healthcare, technology, and cultural exchanges, with Modi describing their conversation as “fruitful.” Posting on X, Modi stated that “We reviewed the progress achieved in key areas of our bilateral cooperation and reaffirmed our shared resolve to further advance the India-Uzbekistan Strategic Partnership.” Ahead of India’s 79th Independence Day, Mirziyoyev highlighted the longstanding friendship between the two nations. The talks underscored Uzbekistan’s growing role as a vital partner in Central Asia for India, as both countries seek to bolster regional stability and their economic development. Since Uzbekistan’s independence in 1991, the country has steadily built ties with India, which was among the first to recognize its sovereignty. The two nations formally established diplomatic relations in 1992 and elevated their engagement with a Strategic Partnership declaration in 2011. Uzbekistan has hosted several visits by Modi, most recently in September 2022, when he participated in the 22nd SCO summit held in Samarkand. Mirziyoyev has visited India on two occasions. Uzbekistan plays a central role in Central Asian connectivity initiatives such as the China–Kyrgyzstan–Uzbekistan railway project, enhancing trade routes and regional cooperation. It is also exploring collaboration with India in healthcare and technology, alongside efforts to promote cultural and educational exchanges that strengthen ties between their peoples. Bilateral economic ties are steadily growing, with trade between India and Uzbekistan reaching approximately $756.6 million in 2023, up from $444.2 million in 2020. Indian exports include pharmaceuticals, machinery, and food products, while Uzbekistan supplies fruits, fertilizers, and textiles. More than 300 Indian companies now operate in Uzbekistan, encouraged by a new Bilateral Investment Treaty signed in 2024, which is aimed at boosting joint ventures in healthcare, IT, and tourism. Both governments have signaled their intent to diversify into renewable energy, agriculture, and hospitality. Connectivity is a key pillar of the partnership. Uzbekistan is working with India on projects like the International North–South Transport Corridor and seeking operational access to Iran’s Chabahar Port, which would give Tashkent a direct route to the Indian Ocean. Security and defense cooperation have intensified since the creation of the Joint Working Group on Defense in 2019. The two countries hold the annual Dustlik military exercises, alternating between India and Uzbekistan, to strengthen counter-terrorism and urban warfare capabilities. The sixth edition was held in Pune from April 16–28, 2025, underscoring growing interoperability between the two militaries. Uzbek forces regularly train at Indian military academies, and discussions are underway on defense industry collaboration. Cultural and educational ties also remain vibrant. Bollywood and Indian music enjoy enduring popularity in Uzbekistan. Around 10,000 Indian students now study across Uzbek institutions, particularly in medicine. On the tech side, ministers agreed this year to launch an India–Central Asia Digital Partnership Forum, with Uzbekistan offering to host the inaugural meeting, linking India’s digital public infrastructure experience with Central Asia’s modernization...

Opinion: Strengthening the Silk Bonds — India’s Renewed Push Towards Central Asia

The velvet-draped tables of New Delhi’s 4th India-Central Asia Dialogue convened under the stewardship of External Affairs Minister Dr. S. Jaishankar on June 6, 2025, radiated congeniality, with history and strategy converging. This high-level engagement, attended by foreign ministers from Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, marked more than a diplomatic ritual — it signaled India's deepening resolve to recalibrate its strategic posture in a region too long shaped by other powers. Yet beneath pledges of shared civilizational futures and energy corridors, an uncomfortable truth lingered as India remains a guest, not a player, in Central Asia’s great power theatre. Further, India’s internal socio-political landscape presents notable challenges that inadvertently shape its foreign policy credibility, particularly in the eyes of Central Asian nations. Persistent communal tensions — most visibly manifested in the Hindu-Muslim divide, the controversial demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1992, and the politically charged construction of the Ram Mandir — have deepened perceptions of religious polarization. Such domestic developments, while largely internal, resonate beyond India’s borders, especially in the Muslim-majority Central Asian republics, raising concerns about inclusivity and pluralism in India’s governance model. Simultaneously, India’s strained relations with key neighbors — Pakistan, and China, and increasingly volatile dynamics with Nepal, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka — have reinforced a regional image of discord and inconsistency. These internal and regional complexities contribute to a trust deficit, making Central Asian countries cautious in placing long-term strategic confidence in India. For New Delhi to emerge as a dependable partner in the region, addressing internal fissures and presenting a coherent, inclusive national vision is as vital as economic or diplomatic outreach. Central Asia sits at the center of ancient trade routes and modern geopolitical competition. For India, its importance is twofold: the region is a bridge to Eurasia and a repository of energy resources critical to India’s growing economy. But India’s historical connectivity to Central Asia — through the Silk Road, shared cultural legacies, and spiritual exchanges — has, for decades, been overshadowed by geographic and political barriers, notably the lack of direct overland access due to Pakistan. Recognizing these constraints, the dialogue showcased a strategic pivot. India reaffirmed its commitment to enhancing regional connectivity through the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) and the Chabahar Port in Iran. While geopolitical instability in Iran and Afghanistan poses challenges, India's emphasis on multimodal routes demonstrates pragmatic flexibility. In an era defined by supply chain resilience and multipolar geopolitics, connectivity is no longer just an infrastructure question — it is a currency of influence. The dialogue also addressed the evolving regional security architecture. India’s proposal for counter-terrorism cooperation, capacity building, and intelligence sharing was timely and necessary. However, the dialogue echoed with familiar refrains, viz. civilizational bonds, shared destiny, and multipolar cooperation. Yet beneath the diplomatic choreography lies a haunting question. Can India transcend its historical role as Central Asia’s cultural cousin to become its strategic confidant? History whispers caution. The Burden of History: From Silk Roads to Shadow Roads For centuries, the Silk Road...