Syria - The Times Of Central Asia

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Human rights

Up to 300 Tajik Women and Children Remain in Syria and Iraq

An estimated 250 to 300 Tajik women and children remain in Syria and Iraq, according to Suhaili Kodiri Abduhafizzoda, Head of the Department for State Protection of Children's Rights at the Office of the Human Rights Commissioner of Tajikistan. Abduhafizzoda stated that the repatriation process, previously overseen by a dedicated Tajik working group, has stalled since the change of government in Syria. At its peak, approximately 800 Tajik nationals, mainly women and children, were believed to be in the two countries. While more than half have returned home, hundreds remain stranded. Four Repatriation Waves Since 2019 Tajikistan has conducted four formal repatriation missions since 2019, resulting in the return of 382 individuals. These included: 2019: 84 children repatriated 2022: 144 women and children 2023: 104 individuals 2024: 47 women and children In addition, roughly 90 Tajik citizens returned independently, although their exact routes and methods of escape from conflict zones have not been officially disclosed. Final Stage Falls Short Officials had hoped the 2024 operation would mark the final stage of the repatriation effort. However, Abduhafizzoda confirmed that not all remaining women and children agreed to return. “We planned to return all remaining women and children, but this was not possible, primarily because they themselves refused,” he explained. Fear of legal consequences was the most commonly cited reason. Many of the women expressed concern that they would face criminal prosecution upon returning to Tajikistan. However, authorities insist these fears are largely unfounded. According to the ombudsman’s office, none of the women previously repatriated have been charged or prosecuted. Instead, they were reportedly met with state support and reintegration programs. “Some of the women who had already returned had similar fears. But once they came back, they saw that no criminal cases were initiated, and they were all forgiven,” Abduhafizzoda noted. Children Reunited With Families Officials report that all repatriated children have been reunited with relatives and received assistance in resuming their education and adjusting to civilian life. Nonetheless, the fate of those still in Syria and Iraq remains unclear. Legacy of the Islamic State According to official figures, more than 2,500 Tajik citizens joined the Islamic State group after 2013. Many men took their families with them to Syria and Iraq. By 2017, most of the men were reported killed or missing, and some women and children are also believed to have died during the conflict. With no current framework for further repatriation, the future of the remaining Tajik women and children in the region remains uncertain.

Syria

Uzbek Militants Become Mediators in Syria Stand-Off

Brandishing assault rifles, the Uzbek fighters in Syria arrived ready to fight. They ended up helping to mediate an end to a confrontation between another group of militants and government security forces. Fighting broke out early last week when Syrian forces raided a stronghold of the Islamic militant group Fiqrat al-Ghuraba, whose leader, identified as Omar Diaby, is a French national of Senegalese origin. Authorities accused the group of kidnapping and other crimes, though some analysts say the government is under international pressure to rein in foreign fighters who helped oust former leader Bashar al-Assad last year but have resisted integration into the military of Syria’s new, relatively moderate leadership. The confrontation erupted in the city of Harem in Idlib province in northern Syria. Ethnic Uzbek fighters deployed to the area, saying they were prepared to reinforce the so-called French jihadis. Uzbek combatants play a prominent role in two groups of foreign fighters in Syria that are known by the acronyms KIB and KTJ and retain ties to al-Qaida and the Taliban, according to a recent West Point analysis. But the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, which tracked the country’s long civil war, said an agreement to end the fighting was reached with the mediation of Uzbek fighters and members of the Turkistan Islamic Party, a mostly Uyghur extremist movement. As part of the deal, heavy weapons were to be withdrawn from the region and the mediators were “entrusted to track the fate” of Omar Diaby, according to the observatory. While the agreement resolved the local stand-off, it didn’t address the broader question of how the Syrian government will deal with the many foreign militants who joined the fight against al-Assad and remain, with their weapons, in the country. At least in the short term, the deal seemed to benefit the extremists who demonstrated leverage in their talks with authorities. Foreign fighter groups had shared the same goal as Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, a group with al-Qaida roots that led the rebel push to overthrow al-Assad and whose leader, Ahmed al-Sharaa, is now trying to project an inclusive image as Syria’s president. The French-led extremists have accused Syrian authorities of collaborating with France to detain them and turn them over to French authorities. China, which is concerned about Uyghur militants, has also urged Syria’s transitional government to crack down on designated terror groups.

Syria

Syrian Government Raid on Foreign Fighters Draws in Uzbek Militants

A Syrian government raid on a compound controlled by French foreign fighters in northern Syria threatened to evolve into a wider conflict after Uzbek Islamist militants arrived to reinforce the French group. The fighting that started on Monday reflects the challenges that Syria’s transitional government faces as it tries to restore stability to the country after the 2024 ouster of former leader Bashar al-Assad and the end of more than a decade of civil war. Outbreaks of sectarian violence have disrupted progress. An additional problem is how to handle foreign fighters who originally arrived in Syria to fight al-Assad’s forces, but have turned down an invitation to join the new government’s military. “The Syrian transitional government appears to be pursuing a low-level effort to target foreign fighters in Syria who have not integrated into the Ministry of Defense,” the Institute for the Study of War, a U.S.-based research group, said in a report on Wednesday. The institute said that Syrian forces targeted a compound run by a group of French militants called Fiqrat al-Ghuraba as well as fighters from the Caucasus in Harem, a city in Idlib province near the border with Türkiye. Fighting broke out and a group of Uzbek foreign fighters deployed to the compound to reinforce the militants, according to the institute. Syrian security forces “previously arrested two prominent Uzbek foreign fighters in August 2025, which has led to increased discontent among Central Asian foreign fighter groups,” it said. Videos purportedly showing ethnic Uzbek fighters arriving in Harem are circulating on social media. An Arabic-language news platform, nabd.com, reported that an Uzbek fighter in one video clip said: “We have gathered in Idlib to support our French brothers." The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, a Britain-based group that tracks events in Syria, said security forces tried to storm the jihadi camp with “light and medium weapons” and that fighting “left several casualties among French migrants and security forces, amid confirmed arrests of French jihadists.” Syrian authorities said they took action this week after the militants in Idlib had kidnapped a girl and committed other “grave violations” against civilians, the state-run Syrian Arab News Agency reported. Uzbek militants previously collaborated with Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, a group that led the rebel push to overthrow al-Assad. Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, or HTS, had al-Qaida roots but later split off and moved to project a more moderate image under leader Ahmed al-Sharaa, now Syria’s president. On Tuesday, Britain removed HTS from its list of terrorist organizations as it seeks to engage the new Syrian government. The United States took a similar step in July. Two mainly ethnic Uzbek groups of foreign fighters in Syria, known by the acronyms KIB and KTJ, retain ties to al-Qaida and the Taliban in Afghanistan, according to an analysis by Kathleen Collins that was published last month by the Combating Terrorism Center at West Point, the U.S. military academy. The two groups “constitute a resilient force of battle-hardened fighters, demonstrating remarkable staying power in Syria,” Collins wrote.

Security

Syrian Forces Intensify Arrests of Uzbek and Foreign Militants in Idlib

Syrian forces under the administration of Ahmed al-Sharaa have escalated their long-running security campaign against foreign fighters in northwestern Syria, targeting individuals affiliated with the Islamic State (ISIS) and other jihadist factions. According to Syrian sources cited by the El Manshar news outlet, the crackdown has gained momentum in recent months, with a focus on detaining commanders and field operatives of various nationalities, particularly in the Idlib region. Among those detained are several Uzbek nationals. In June 2025, security forces in Idlib arrested Ayoub “Abu Dujana” al-Uzbeki, a military trainer, and transferred him to an undisclosed location. In late August, another Uzbek figure, known as Islam al-Uzbeki, was detained during a raid in the Qasour neighborhood of Idlib. On September 3, Syria’s Internal Security Directorate announced the dismantling of an ISIS cell in the Harem area of western Idlib, with all members taken into custody, including fighters from Iraq and Uzbekistan. This is not the first time Uzbek militants have been the focus of security operations. Reports from late 2022 documented more than 20 raids on ISIS-affiliated cells across Idlib province, resulting in the arrests of several Uzbek fighters. Since 2020, forces loyal to Sharaa have also targeted the al-Qaeda-linked “Tawhid and Jihad” battalion, detaining senior figures such as its founder, Abu Saleh al-Uzbeki. Those arrests sparked violent clashes with rival jihadist groups. Analysts suggest the campaign aims to consolidate Sharaa’s authority by bolstering security services, pre-empting the rise of autonomous armed factions, and eliminating groups that resist integration into his command structure. It also appears intended to signal compliance with previous understandings with the United States concerning the handling of foreign fighters in Syria. Despite these efforts, El Manshar notes that extremist groups continue to maintain a limited but persistent presence in eastern Idlib and along the Turkish border. The campaign, therefore, represents a protracted struggle for dominance rather than a definitive resolution of the foreign fighter issue.

Syria

Central Asia Leads in Repatriating Citizens from Syrian Camps

Central Asian governments are at the forefront of efforts to repatriate their citizens from camps in northeastern Syria, according to Khalid Koser, head of the Global Community Engagement and Resilience Fund (GCERF). In an interview with RIA Novosti, Koser highlighted that, unlike European nations, Central Asian states have taken responsibility for their nationals. GCERF is an international organization supporting local initiatives to prevent extremism and violence by fostering partnerships between governments, civil society, and the private sector. Koser noted that approximately 2,200 Central Asian citizens have been repatriated from these camps. Kazakhstan has brought back 754 individuals, Kyrgyzstan 533, Tajikistan 381, and Uzbekistan 531. By contrast, Koser criticized European nations for neglecting their citizens in the camps. “Tajikistan says, ‘These are our citizens, and we are responsible for them,’” Koser stated. “Meanwhile, Western Europe hopes the problem will disappear, leaving people to die in camps.” The head of GCERF also pointed out the challenges of repatriating men, many of whom were combatants. “The question now is how to handle those who fought, were involved in terrorism, and face difficulties reintegrating. Most will end up in prison, which could lead to further radicalization within the prison system,” Koser warned. The camps in northeastern Syria, managed by the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and the United States, house 65,000 to 70,000 people. Most of the residents are women and children from families of ISIS militants. While the camps are not officially prisons, movement is restricted, and Kurdish forces prevent residents from leaving. The Times of Central Asia has previously reviewed the repatriation operations undertaken by Central Asian countries, which continue to set a global example in addressing this humanitarian and security challenge.

Politics

Central Asia, a Possible Winner in Regional Reshuffle Over Syria

There has been talk about who’s up and who’s down since the Syrian rebel offensive that ousted President Bashar Assad this month. Central Asia might end up as a winner on the geopolitical scorecard, according to one theory. For Syrians, the future depends on whether the country can stabilize under a new government or is headed for fresh conflict. But here’s the international fallout so far: Russia, Iran and the Hezbollah group in Lebanon, key backers of Assad during years of civil war, lost power and influence in the region. Turkey, which supported some rebel groups, has more clout in Syria, where it opposes Syrian Kurdish forces. Israel has benefited because its enemy Hezbollah has lost a supply route through Syria from patron Iran, though it says it is striking Syrian military sites because threats remain. There could be economic gains for Central Asia, far from the maneuvers on the ground in Syria. Some analysts believe an ascendant Turkey will call in some favors from Russia, which along with Iran is on the backfoot. One thing that Turkey and Central Asian trading partners really want is the opening of a land route, the so-called Zanzegur corridor, in the South Caucasus, and Russia can possibly help to make that happen. The 43-kilometer corridor, which is expected to make land trade between East Asia and Europe more efficient, would connect Azerbaijan with its enclave of Nakhchivan, passing through Armenia before joining with Turkey and European markets beyond. The transport connection is supposed to open under a 2020 cease-fire agreement following Azerbaijan’s military success against Armenia, with Russia as a security guarantor. But Zanzegur remains contentious because of Armenian concerns over sovereignty and a final peace deal is yet to be signed. Now, the theory goes, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan could push Russian President Vladimir Putin for an assist on Zanzegur in exchange for apparently helping Russia evacuate troops from Syria, and for possibly helping Moscow form a relationship with the new Syrian leadership. “What will Turkey demand from Russia? Perhaps lighter terms for the supply of key energy supplies now at threat from US sanctions,” economist Timothy Ash wrote in an analysis. “Russian agreement also perhaps over Azeri and Turkish access to Nakhichevan [through] the Zangezur corridor and on to Central Asia? Putin now owes Erdogan. He will collect.” Ahmad Vakhshiteh, a senior lecturer at RUDN University in Moscow, made a similar argument, saying in an interview with German media outlet DW that Turkey could use Syria leverage to advance wider geopolitical goals such as the Zanzegur corridor. Under the 2020 cease-fire deal, Russian border guards would control transport on the corridor, whose opening could also benefit Russia´s trade connections. But Russian influence has decreased as Armenia has all but withdrawn from a regional, Russian-led security pact and increasingly looks for Western partnerships. There has also been some discussion of bypassing Armenia and building an adjacent land corridor through Iranian territory, though Iran’s own trade and security interests are big factors. ...