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Islamic State – Khorasan Province: An Element of Geopolitical Rivalry?

In the aftermath of the terrorist attack in Moscow, the media has once again been saturated with discussions about the terrorist group Islamic State – Khorasan Province (ISKP), also known as ISIS-Khorasan and “Wilayat Khorasan.” At this point, most of the coverage has focused on the Afghan wing of Islamic State, and not its other “wilayats,” such as on the Arabian Peninsula, “Wilayat Sinai” (Islamic State – Sinai Province) or “Wilayat Caucasus” (Islamic State – Caucasus Province). The international media covering the ISKP attack in Moscow, including journalists from Russia, widely speculated that the terrorist group is looking at Central Asia as its next base. Such media coverage included a variety of sentiments indicating that Central Asia should be worried. Reports have suggested that the alliance of Central Asian leaders with Moscow makes them look weak in the eyes of ISKP and that the terrorist threat emanating from Central Asia has become a point of weakness for the Putin regime. It has also been suggested that Islamic terrorism in Central Asia remains a real problem for the FSB, and even though the FSB has extensive experience in fighting extremists in the Caucasus, having committed enormous resources to the issue, Central Asia is a blind spot. Alarm bells sounded that regional jihadist groups have become more powerful. Thus, the terrorist attack in Moscow significantly increased media attention on ISKP in the context of Central Asia. Overall, the ISKP theme fits into existing narratives regarding threats to the southern border of the CIS. Sanaullah Ghafari, Emir of ISIS-K; image: rewardsforjustice.net The more likely reality is that in Central Asia, ISKP has been more of a challenge to regional security than an existential threat. In recent years, the region has been broadly successful in dealing with threats from Afghanistan. How real of a threat is the ISKP? A very narrow circle of experts can give a truly objective assessment of ISKP. Information about ISKP membership is contradictory and seemingly based on political considerations. As such, it is difficult to back these up with statistics. The number of fighters reported vary greatly from 2,000 to several tens of thousands. What remains indisputable are two facts: 1. Despite measures declared by the Taliban to eliminate the ISKP, terrorist acts by the group are still recorded throughout Afghanistan, and 2. The group lacks a serious infrastructure in Afghanistan. The activity of ISKP in Afghanistan consists of carrying out targeted, low-level terrorist acts, mainly against local Hazara Shiites. Based on the assessments of the UN Afghanistan monitoring team, the potential of ISKP success looks dubious. In its reports, UN experts point to a decrease in ISKP activity in Afghanistan. Recently, the UN has avoided estimating the size of the group, but previous estimates put it at 1,500-2,200 fighters. At the same time, according to a UN report in January, “ISKP adopted a more inclusive recruitment strategy, including by focusing on attracting disillusioned Taliban and foreign fighters.” Taliban officials, meanwhile, tend to play down the situation....

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Kazakhstan President Signs Landmark Legislation on Domestic Violence

On April 15, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev signed into law amendments and additions passed by Kazakhstan’s parliament on April 11 on legislative acts and the code on administrative offenses on ensuring the rights of women and the safety of children. The initiative represents a first in the CIS in terms of how far it goes to provide protection for women and children in the country. The United States embassy in Kazakhstan said on April 15 through its Twitter (X) account that they welcomed the adoption of the new law, highlighting its strengthened protections against domestic violence. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in Kazakhstan also commended the “legislative initiatives protecting women's [and] children's rights,” calling them a “crucial step towards equality, justice [and] safety for all citizens” that “lay a foundation for a stable, prosperous society.” On Instagram, the OSCE Programme Office in Astana stated that it "welcomes the adoption and signing of two laws aimed at ensuring and protecting the rights of women and children, including the criminalization of violence towards them, by @tokayev_online". This is seen as the latest improvement in an upward trend. Since coming to power in 2019, President Tokayev has tightened criminal liability for crimes against women and children, as well as human trafficking. Special units were formed within the Ministry of Internal Affairs to protect women, and in 2021, their number increased to 256. Specialized female investigators were also introduced to investigate violent sexual crimes against women and minors. The new law, which goes further in introducing additional legal mechanisms to protect women and children, comes on the heels of domestic and international protests following the televised trial for the alleged violent murder of Saltanat Nukenova by her husband, Kuandyk Bishimbayev, in November 2023. In addition to local rallies, the Kazakhstani diaspora in New York, Amsterdam , Milan, and many other places around the globe have also called for increased accountability for domestic violence under the hashtag #ForSaltanat. Critically, the new legislation criminalizes domestic violence, increases penalties for perpetrators and provides a range of preventative measures alongside punitive ones. It also imposes tougher penalties for all forms of violence against children. Overall, it is an important step in improving the legal, economic, and social foundations of state policy and strengthening the principle of social equality with zero tolerance against violence towards women and children. The recent amendments and additions largely represent the demands of the public and civil society, who were involved in the process of their development and adoption. The legislation has been widely discussed in the country’s media. Representatives from NGOs took part in parliamentary meetings alongside the National Commission for Women's Affairs and Family and Demographic Policy, the National Center for Human Rights and the Commissioner for Children's Rights. In November 2023, Kazakhstanis demanded tougher punishment for domestic violence through an open letter to Tokayev on the Otinish.kz website. This month, a group of activists and human rights defenders launched the “Write a Letter to Parliament” campaign, asking residents to send a...

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The Bishimbayev Trial: The Women of Kazakhstan Speak

The trial of the trial of former Minister of the Economy, Kuandyk Bishimbayev, has ignited discussions across Kazakhstan, particularly among women. Online actions and rallies across Europe have been organized in memory of the victim, Saltanat Nukenova, and the Senate has passed a law strengthening protections for women and children against domestic violence. "The trial of Bishimbayev is the most vivid example of how power and impunity having taken the upper hand, eventually lead to terrible consequences, namely, brutal premeditated murder,” Darina, a 21-year-old woman from Astana told The Times of Central Asia. “A man who decided that he could do anything and nothing would happen for it, simply cut off the life of his wife. This case, which is now being watched by the whole world, is the most resonant and revealing in the history of justice in the country. Every second girl, looking at Bishimbayev, recognized her partner/husband, who is also physically or emotionally abusive towards her. All of them today want only one thing: a just solution that will encourage the government to create a law criminalizing domestic violence, give publicity to such a global and urgent problem, and inspire hope and faith in the hearts of those who experience similar things in their lives." "There's not even anything worth saying, I'm just scared. So many similar stories happen all the time," Kamila, a 27-year-old from Almaty told TCA. "It's very sad to see this, but on the other hand, it's good that it’s got so much publicity; now the world can see what kind of attitude there is towards women in Kazakhstan." Polina, a 20-year-old from Astana told TCA. "When you watch these broadcasts, it's scary to realize what is happening. It's not only about domestic violence, but also how corruption is rampant. All the evidence is there, but the case is still dragging on." Raushan from Almaty said. "The trial is a subject of conversation with everyone I know every day. I can't watch the live broadcast from the courtroom, because I can't stand it. I think the court's decision will have a big impact on the people of Kazakhstan and will show whether we have achieved something in 23 years of independence." Merey, a 25-year-old from Kostanay told TCA. "I’m very glad this case has such resonance, because if it wasn’t so high-profile and covered so extensively, most likely it would’ve been hushed up and he would’ve served a couple of years on parole. This case has emphasized the problem of violence against women in Kazakhstan, which happens on a regular basis at the hands of domestic tyrants,” Alua from Taraz told TCA. Bishimbayev was dismissed from his post of Minister of the National Economy after less than eight months under former President Nazarbayev in December 2016. In September 2023, President Tokayev’s instructed parliament to draft new legislation increasing the penalties for domestic violence. Seen in some quarters as a sign of a new openness, the televised trial has sparked a wave of debate...

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As Bishimbayev Case Continues, Kazakhstan Toughens Domestic Violence Laws

While a court in Astana tries former economy minister Kuandyk Bishimbayev for murdering his wife Saltanat Nukenova, the Kazakhstani Senate has passed a law strengthening protections for women and children against domestic violence. The new law, if properly implemented, can hand out much harsher punishments to those who abuse those closest to them. In particular, a term of life imprisonment has been introduced for the murder of a minor child. In the Face of Widespread Indifference The trial of Bishimbayev – and his relative Bakhytzhan Baizhanov, who is accused of failing to report the murder - has uncovered an uncomfortable truth. Many people already knew that Bishimbayev beat his wife, who died last November. Relatives and close acquaintances of the victim recounted details in court about bruises on Nukenova's face. On the day of her death, a number of witnesses saw Bishimbayev arguing with, and possibly beating, Nukenova. Many of these witnesses are employees of the restaurant where the alleged murder took place. Baizhanov admitted under interrogation that he saw blood as Nukenova was laying motionless, but, on the orders of Bishimbayev, had the restaurant's surveillance tapes deleted, and then drove Nukenova's phone around the city, so that it would seem later that she was still alive at the time. According to Baizhanov, he "did not know and did not realize" that Nukenova was dying. However, a forensics expert testified in court that the nature of Nukenova's injuries indicated serious beatings, not "light slaps and falls," as Bishimbayev had previously claimed. Examinations confirmed that Nukenova died of multiple brain injuries and a lack of oxygen, likely as a result of asphyxiation. Will the New Law Help Stop Violence? Kazakhstanis are closely following the legal proceedings that have resulted from Nukenova's death, and are organizing viral online actions and rallies in her memory in cities across Europe. Human rights activists and ordinary Kazakhstanis fought long and hard for domestic violence to be criminalized. Under the new law, criminal liability will be applied to any intentional infliction of harm to health, however minor. The Code "On marriage (matrimony) and family" establishes the legal status of family support centers and the functions they perform, and establishes helplines for information and psychological assistance relating to women's and children's rights. The law also contains many measures aimed at protecting children in public and online. Activists are still cautious about the new law, and argue that much will depend on its practical application and the amount of funds allocated to it. Support centers for victims of violence receive many calls per day, and physically cannot provide assistance to all those in need. Central Asia's Changing Attitudes to Domestic Violence The other countries in Central Asia face a similar, and perhaps more difficult, situation. Uzbekistan, for example, adopted a law last year to give women and children more protection against domestic violence. Domestic violence in Uzbekistan is subject to administrative and criminal liability, and harassment has been made a crime. The sentences for sexual...

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Kyrgyzstan Minister Says Case Against Media Workers Not About Politics

BISHKEK, Kyrgyzstan – Kyrgyzstan is pushing back against international criticism of a high-profile prosecution of media workers, saying the case is not politically motivated and that those facing charges of inciting mass unrest are poorly educated people masquerading as journalists. Minister of Internal Affairs, Ulan Niyazbekov, said the case against 11 former and current workers for media outlet Temirov Live stems from the publication of false information that flouts the basic rules of journalism. Free speech advocates say Kyrgyzstan is clamping down on what was once a relatively permissive environment for the media. “If they continue to write everything that comes to their mind without facts and evidence, just saying that they are journalists, then we will arrest them,” Niyazbekov said in an interview with Kabar, Kyrgyzstan’s national news agency. He said most of the people accused in the Temirov Live case are “bloggers,” not journalists. “They spread false information because they don't have education and make people panic. And there is no need to make noise about them saying that they are journalists,” he said. The minister’s comments were published on Thursday, two days after a court in Bishkek ordered the transfer of four of the journalists from prison to house arrest. Four others accused in the same case remain in pretrial detention. If convicted, they could be sent to prison for years. Temirov Live is a YouTube-based outlet that has published and broadcast reports on alleged corruption by senior officials. It was founded in 2020 by Bolot Temirov, who was expelled from Kyrgyzstan in 2022. He has said the ongoing case against his colleagues is in retaliation for Temirov Live’s investigations into alleged government misconduct. In an interview with Kabar, Niyazbekov noted that there were potential penalties in Europe and the United States for journalists who spread false or unconfirmed information. “They don't accuse someone without proof,” he said. “If someone tries to slander someone or spread false information about the activities of the authorities, they will be brought to court and pay a large compensation or be imprisoned.” The government in Kyrgyzstan tolerates criticism but its “only demand” is that critics “gather evidence or make the information very precise and then release it to the public,” Niyazbekov stated.

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Kyrgyzstan Court Moves Four Journalists from Prison to House Arrest

BISHKEK, Kyrgyzstan - Four journalists in Kyrgyzstan who were jailed in January on suspicion of inciting mass unrest have been moved to house arrest, while four others accused in the same case remain in pretrial detention. A district court in Bishkek ordered the release on Tuesday of the former employees of Temirov Live, which supporters say is being targeted by the government because of its reports – some on YouTube - on alleged corruption involving senior officials. Police concluded that Temirov Live reports “contain signs of calls for mass chaos,” according to media outlet Politklinika. The four journalists transferred from jail to house arrest are Tynystan Asypbekov, Saipidin Sultanaliev, Joodar Buzumov, and Maksat Tajibek uulu. Those still in jail are Temirov Live director Makhabat Tajibek kyzy; two other journalists with the outlet, Aike Beishekeyeva and Azamat Ishenbekov, and a former Temirov Live journalist, Aktilek Kaparov. A total of 11 former and current Temirov Live workers face charges in the case that could send them to jail for years if they are convicted. Free speech advocates say the prosecution is part of an increasingly restrictive rollback from a time when media enjoyed relative freedom in Kyrgyzstan. The conditions of the journalists still in prison came under further scrutiny this past weekend when Makhabat Tajibek kyzy, the Temirov Live director, alleged that she and other detainees not involved in her case were beaten. Authorities deny the allegation.