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Out With the Old and in With the New: From Politicians to Felons – Part Two

The end of the first president of Kazakhstan, Nursultan Nazarbayev’s era coincided with a wave of mass protests across the country. The widely-accepted cause was the death of five children in a fire in a dilapidated annex to a private house, the like of which there are many in the suburbs of Astana. This tragedy occurred on the night of February 4, 2019, when the girls, with ages ranging from a baby to twelve years old, were left home alone. The event sparked furious complaints from mothers of children across the country, and on March 19 of the same year, Nazarbayev resigned, handing power to the next in the constitutional hierarchy, Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, the speaker of the Senate (Kazakhstan's upper house of parliament). High-profile cases of the transition period From that moment until the events of January 2022, the country went through a transitional period, which is often spoken of as having been a time of dual power. By analogy with the “Kremlin Towers” (a popular theory about clans in Vladimir Putin's Russia being engaged in an irreconcilable struggle for resources and influence), the new president's entourage began to be called “Akorda” - after the head of state's residence in Astana. Supporters of Nazarbayev and the idea of his return to the presidency, meanwhile, were known as the “Library” – a reference to the Library of the First President. It was believed that the officials Tokayev inherited from his predecessor were more likely to run reports to the Library than to the Akorda. This division serves to explain how the new president was bound in his ability to implement changes. Tokayev initially announced a course of political, economic and social reforms, but only the latter were implemented, while the rest were sabotaged. Even support from the general public, which Tokayev managed to garner in the National Council of Public Trust, did not help matters.Even under such constraints, however, it was possible to begin a purge of the establishment. For example, in 2020, the country was shaken by the first high-profile criminal case under Tokayev, when Bulat Bakauov, akim of the Pavlodar region and a bellwether of high-profile scandals under Nazarbayev, was accused of abusing his authority and arrested. However, the influence of Nazarbayev's entourage remained strong, so the sentence handed down to the former Akim turned out to be a meagre restriction of freedom for 3.5 years. The court obliged Bakauov to refrain from leaving his residence and regularly report to the probation service. In addition, Bakauov was obliged to engage in a hundred hours of public labor, ordered to return $10,000, and banned from holding public office. In the same year, there was a glimmer of hope that the former Akim of Almaty, Bauyrzhan Baibek - who was elevated to the height of political power by his father's childhood friendship with Nursultan Nazarbayev – would be held to account. Urban legends still circulate about the illegal earnings of Baibek and his team from the reconstruction of the center of...

Central Asia Justice Uzbekistan International Affairs Uzbekistan Justice Uzbekistan International Affairs

Uzbek Man Suspected of Kidnapping Italian Businessman Arrested

An Uzbek citizen has been detained in Italy on charges of orchestrating the kidnapping of Italian businessman Stefano Guidotti in Moscow. In June this year Guidotti was abducted and held hostage. According to Italian investigators, the alleged mastermind is a 44-year-old Uzbek national living near Ravenna, who holds a Russian passport. The suspect had previously worked for Guidotti’s business. The Bologna prosecutor’s office identified the Uzbek citizen as the primary organizer of the crime. Reports indicate he also personally initiated negotiations to establish a ransom for the release of Guidotti, who serves as the general director of the Russian office of SIAD Group. SIAD is one of Europe’s largest manufacturers of industrial gases. The kidnapping took place on the morning of June 28, when three men seized Guidotti in the courtyard of a residence in central Moscow. He was handcuffed, a bag was placed over his head, and he was forced into a car. Russian police rescued him the following day in the country's Bryansk region. The abductors reportedly included three Russian nationals and one foreigner.

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In the Wake of Bishimbayev: From Politicians to Felons – Part One

Eight days ago, a scandal shook Kazakhstani society: Kuandyk Bishimbayev allegedly escaped from the penal colony where he was serving his sentence. Bishimbayev is a former high-ranking official of the government of Nursultan Nazarbayev's era, who was sentenced to 24 years in prison for the brutal murder of his wife. The Interior Ministry's Criminal Correctional System Committee immediately denied this information and said that a criminal case had been opened over the dissemination of this misinformation. This is not the first time Bishimbayev has become a resident of a penal colony. In 2017, as the Minister of National Economy of Kazakhstan, he was arrested on suspicion of large-scale bribery and embezzlement. In 2018, he was sentenced to a ten-year term with the confiscation of property and deprivation of the right to hold public office for the rest of his life. However, he was released on parole in 2019. Kazakhstan has been shaken by Bishimbayev's new crime. The trial, which was broadcast live online for the first time in the country's history, was watched by millions of citizens, not only within the Republic, but also abroad in other post-Soviet countries, and even in the West. However, this is not the first and, in all likelihood, not the last sensational case in which a former high-ranking official becomes a defendant. The long list of convicted ministers and akims can be divided chronologically into three parts: the Nazarbayev era, the transition period, and the so-called “New Kazakhstan,” which started after the January Events - the failed coup in 2022. This article discusses the most notorious court cases from each of these periods. Akezhan Kazhegeldin Former Prime Minister Akezhan Kazhegeldin was a politician known not only in Kazakhstan, but also in the West. He led the Government of Kazakhstan from 1994 to 1997. After falling into disfavor, in 1998 he attempted to challenge Nazarbayev in the upcoming presidential election. Kazhegeldin was not allowed to participate and had to leave Kazakhstan under the pretense of receiving medical treatment in Switzerland for unspecified health problems. In 1999, Kazhegeldin was put on an international wanted list, and in 2001 he was found guilty in absentia by the Supreme Court of Kazakhstan of abuse of power and authority, extortion and repeated bribes of millions of dollars, illegal acquisitions, the storage and transfer of weapons and ammunition, and tax evasion. Kazhegeldin was sentenced to ten years in prison, but has not returned to the country since. He continued to influence Kazakhstan's domestic politics from abroad until 2001 through the Republican People's Party of Kazakhstan, which he organized for this purpose. It was alleged that Kazhegeldin received kickbacks from a contract awarded to Tractebel in 1996 to run Almaty's electric company and power grid. A year later, the Belgian company also won a concession to manage gas pipelines in the south and west of Kazakhstan. In the U.S., meanwhile, the DOJ investigated claims Kazhegeldin received illegal payments of $6 million as part of a bribery scandal known as ‘Kazakhgate’....

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Kazakhstan Charity Head Investigated for Embezzling Flood Relief Donations

Kazakhstan is investigating Perizat Kairat, founder of the Biz Birgemiz Qazaqstan charity fund and a prominent volunteer activist, for allegedly embezzling over 1.5 billion KZT (approximately $3.1 million) intended for victims of spring floods. According to the Financial Monitoring Agency, a significant portion of the funds raised was reportedly used to purchase luxury items and real estate. Investigators allege that Kairat acquired several high-end vehicles, including a Mercedes-Benz S450, Lexus LX-600, and Haval, as well as luxury properties in Astana’s elite residential complexes, such as “Akbulak Riviera,” “Highvill Ishim Gold,” and “Kөk Zhailau,” along with a cottage in “Vela Village.” The total value of these purchases is estimated at 600 million KZT ($1.2 million). The agency further claims that the charity’s funds financed frequent trips to Dubai, Doha, London, and Istanbul, where Kairat reportedly stayed in five-star hotels. During these trips, she is accused of purchasing expensive accessories from luxury brands, dining at elite restaurants, and organizing lavish boat trips. Relatives and associates of Kairat are also implicated, accused of cashing out the charity’s funds for a fee of 8%. These alleged actions have reportedly eroded public trust in charitable and volunteer organizations, raising concerns about their transparency and integrity. Kairat has been detained pending further investigation. The Biz Birgemiz Qazaqstan charity fund, established in 2021, began as a nationwide volunteer movement with 15,000 members. The fund organized aid collections for flood victims in the West Kazakhstan, Aktobe, Kostanay, Abay, Akmola, and Ulytau regions. Donations from individuals and major companies were channeled through banking applications to support the fund’s efforts. Kairat, who also runs a family business exporting meat to Arab countries and owns a chain of flower shops, claimed in a social media post that she headed the foundation without financial compensation. She is also a member of the Public Council of the Agency for Strategic Planning and Reforms. Kairat’s detention comes as Kazakhstan's Ministry of Culture and Information works on proposed legislative changes to regulate charitable activities. These amendments aim to grant state bodies greater control over fundraising efforts. However, experts warn that such measures could significantly hinder charity work in the country. For example, proposed restrictions on independent fundraising have sparked concerns among activists and organizations, with critics arguing that these changes may stifle grassroots initiatives and reduce public participation in charitable causes.

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#ForSaltanat: The Quest for Justice in Domestic Violence Cases in Kazakhstan

In the spring of 2024, the televised murder trial of Kuandyk Bishimbayev, Kazakhstan’s former Minister of the National Economy, captivated viewers across the country. Bishimbayev was found guilty of the brutal murder of his wife, Saltanat Nukenova, in a restaurant in Astana, and sentenced to 24 years in prison. Comparisons to the O.J. Simpson trial of 1995 were inevitable. Both trials involved a prominent figure — in this case, a politician previously pardoned by President Nursultan Nazarbayev after serving time for corruption — a victim who had endured domestic abuse, and a massive viewership. Bishimbayev's trial underscored public fascination with the case, driven not only by its reality TV appeal but by a growing awareness of deeply ingrained gender inequities, particularly regarding the societal expectations placed on Kazakh women within marriage. The trial’s timing occurred shortly before — and perhaps by no coincidence — new legislation was signed by President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev on April 15, 2024, amending laws to protect the rights and safety of women and children. However, critics noted an omission: a clear, targeted focus on preventing domestic violence. Two Kazakh women, who shared their stories with The Times of Central Asia, revealed the extent to which domestic violence remains embedded in Kazakh society. Rayana, from Astana, and Aliya, a Kazakh student in New York City, have never met, yet their stories echo shared challenges and hopes for change in their home country. Rayana, a beauty industry professional in her mid-twenties, reflected on her brief and tumultuous marriage, which began when she was 23. “I loved my husband, but felt it was too early to marry. We married just four months after meeting, and within a month of living together, I wanted a divorce. He was unfaithful and violent.” When Rayana sought help from her mother-in-law, she was told that her mother-in-law had also been a victim of domestic violence and that she, too, must learn to endure it. “It is worth mentioning that in Kazakhstan the north is very different from the south,” Rayana added. “I'm a northerner, he's a southerner. I had never experienced abuse before, and then for the first time, I felt a panic attack, which I still live with. In the south, people adhere more to traditions and have a negative attitude towards divorce and washing their dirty linen in public. Women keep silent about domestic violence. I can’t say anything about his family’s attitude. I still don’t fully understand.” Having grown up around domestic violence, she believes that one in two families is affected by it. After separating, Rayana’s family offered her support, while her in-laws disapproved, even throwing out her belongings. Rayana’s life since then, however, has vastly improved. “I have been working in the beauty industry for a long time. In our field, at least, climbing the career ladder is not difficult. My first supervisor helped me a lot. He spoke fondly of his wife and cared about his female employees. This gives us faith that there are good men...

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Food Catering for Rioters? Alleged Signs of a Coup Plot in Kyrgyzstan

One grenade, a pistol, several drones, vodka to get would-be rioters drunk, one ton of rice and one horse for slaughter. These were among the tools that a band of half a dozen alleged plotters, including Kyrgyzstan’s former deputy prosecutor general, planned to deploy in order to foment chaos and violently seize power, according to the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The suspects’ plan was to hold a sports event along with other competitions on the outskirts of Bishkek, ply spectators with alcohol and food and then rile them up on Nov. 17, when local elections are held, the ministry said. Whatever the chances of success of such an alleged coup plot, the charges against the group are severe and have been rolled out in other instances by a government whose opponents say is intent on snuffing out perceived threats to stability, at the expense of free expression and other rights. Kyrgyzstan has experienced periodic political upheavals over the years. President Sadyr Japarov himself came to power in one of those chaotic events, winning election in 2021 after being released from jail by protesters just months earlier. Japarov had been in a cell for kidnapping, a conviction that he said was politically motivated. He has sometimes warned of the perils of “anarchy” in Kyrgyzstan; critics fear a slide toward authoritarianism. Earlier this week, media organizations in Kyrgyzstan reported that Kuban Adyl uulu, a former top prosecutor who was dismissed in April, was arrested and will be held in pretrial detention until Jan. 10. The government described him as the “main organizer” of the coup plot “whose tasks included financial support, communication with law enforcement agencies, transmission of information obtained about their actions, distribution of roles and coordination during mass riots and seizure of power.” Adyl uulu was among seven people, including several foreign nationals, who were arrested, the Ministry of Internal Affairs said. One of the foreigners allegedly participated in military operations in another country, a possible reference to Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. “The group had 1,000 bottles of vodka to get the crowd drunk, 2,000 bottles of mineral water, 1 ton of rice, 1 horse for slaughter, and food for cooking pilaf for the participants in the mass riots confiscated from the warehouse,” the ministry said. It said charges including plans to incite riots and resist government officials by force were based on evidence, including the grenade, the pistol, several drones, a thermal imager and other items. If convicted, the suspects could face long prison terms. Adyl uulu had been fired as part of a reshuffle of the leadership, including anti-corruption officers, in the prosecutor general’s office that was ordered by Japarov. At the time of his dismissal, there was no mention of his alleged involvement in a possible coup plot. Instead, the president had reprimanded the prosecutor general and the natural resources minister over the alleged interference of subordinates in the activities of the ministry’s licensing commission. On Wednesday, Russia weighed in on the alleged coup plot in...