• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10896 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0.28%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10896 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0.28%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10896 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0.28%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10896 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0.28%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10896 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0.28%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10896 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0.28%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10896 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0.28%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10896 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0.28%
09 December 2025

Russia’s Crackdown Forces Central Asia to Rethink Labor Migration

The most recent World Bank study on labor migration highlighted the immense scale of the issue, describing it as “an ongoing development challenge in Europe and Central Asia, which is currently home to 100 million migrants,” roughly one-third of all migrants globally. Historically, Russia has been the primary destination for Central Asia’s mobile labor force. However, since March 2024, Moscow’s increasingly restrictive migration policies have forced Central Asian states to confront a dual challenge: managing displaced workers and rethinking the logistics of cross-border labor flows.

As of 2023, more than 80% of labor migrants from Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan were working in Russia. Migration from Uzbekistan was more diversified, with 57% of migrants heading to Russia, 15% to Kazakhstan, and 10% to Ukraine.

For millions across the region, labor migration remains a vital economic lifeline. According to the World Bank report, The Journey Ahead: Supporting Successful Migration in Europe and Central Asia, remittances in 2024 accounted for 45% of Tajikistan’s GDP, the highest ratio globally. In Kyrgyzstan, remittances made up 24% of GDP, while in Uzbekistan the figure was 14%. A 2025 update increased the figure for Tajikistan further still, noting that domestic consumption was “supported by large remittance inflows – peaking at 49% of GDP in 2024.”

Since the start of the war in Ukraine, rhetoric in the Russian media and among some politicians toward Central Asian migrants has increasingly shifted toward overt hostility. Following the March 2024 terrorist attack at Moscow’s Crocus City Hall, in which Tajik nationals were named among the suspects, Russia began implementing harsher measures. This included widespread street inspections of Kyrgyz, Uzbek, and Tajik citizens, alongside new, more restrictive legal frameworks.

While certain steps, such as mandatory biometric data collection, were officially justified by security concerns, other policies have further complicated daily life for foreign nationals. For example, since January 2025, all foreign-owned SIM cards in Russia have been deactivated. Foreign citizens must now register with government agencies to obtain new mobile services, a policy framed as a response to telecom fraud.

Another measure, introduced on June 30, requires citizens of visa-free countries to register in the “Gosuslugi RuID” app before entering Russia. They must obtain a digital code to pass border control, effectively instituting a pre-entry surveillance mechanism.

Kazakhstan was the first to publicly respond, with Foreign Ministry spokesman Aibek Smadiyarov refusing to rule out reciprocal measures against Russian citizens. “We are studying this issue very carefully. It requires consultations with our government agencies,” Smadiyarov said.

Yet, despite these developments, none of the Central Asian countries currently maintains a comprehensive migration strategy equipped to handle these shifting dynamics. In Kazakhstan, the issue came to the fore in 2025 with a noticeable influx of Tajik nationals, the group most affected by Russia’s new rules.

At a government meeting in late July, officials noted that Kazakhstan had recorded a positive migration balance for the second consecutive year, as well as a 1.5-fold increase in the number of foreign citizens permanently residing in the country.

“The importance of transparent and accurate monitoring of migration processes was emphasized,” the Prime Minister’s press service reported. “A migrant ID card will be introduced at border crossings, enabling comprehensive tracking of foreigners’ movements.”

By November 1, the Ministries of Labor and Social Protection, Digital Development, and Aerospace Industry have been tasked with launching a Unified Digital Platform for Migration Monitoring.  The new digital card appears to be Kazakhstan’s implicit response to Russia’s shifting migration regime.

Uzbekistan, however, has taken a different approach. In August 2025, in partnership with the European Union and the International Centre for Migration Policy Development, a Migrant Resource Center was opened in Tashkent. The facility offers pre-departure consultations, information on legal employment opportunities, and reintegration support for returning workers. Tashkent is also actively seeking to redirect labor flows away from Russia and toward Europe.

In contrast, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan are still assessing the potential fallout. In Kyrgyzstan, returning migrants have already clashed with incoming workers from Pakistan and Bangladesh, raising tensions on the local labor market. Tajikistan has announced a “Migration Regulation Strategy until 2040,” though its specifics remain undisclosed. The long timeframe suggests a low level of urgency in planning for the return or reintegration of its labor force.

Observers across Kazakhstan, meanwhile, have reported a visible increase in Tajik nationals settling in major cities, a trend likely to continue if Russia maintains its current course.

Once a lifeline for three of Central Asia’s five republics, labor migration to Russia is now under increasing strain, pressuring governments to rethink economic dependencies and migration strategies amid a rapidly shifting geopolitical landscape.

Montenegro Will Not Extradite NeMolchi Founder to Kazakhstan

The authorities in Montenegro have decided that the director of Kazakhstan’s NeMolchi.kz (Don’t be silent) foundation, Dina Smailova (Tansari), will not be deported to Kazakhstan, where she faces charges of knowingly disseminating false information, violation of privacy, and fraud.

Smailova’s Legal Battles and Exile

Since 2017, Smailova has faced a plethora of criminal cases. In 2021, she left Kazakhstan and relocated to Georgia. After she departed, Almaty police launched new inquiries against her. In June 2022, Smailova said that these investigations were opened “because I criticize the activities of the Almaty police, because I demand the resignation of the leadership, because I do not recognize the police who torture our people in their dungeons!”

In early 2024, Smailova left Georgia and requested asylum in the European Union, and in April of that year, she was detained in Montenegro based on an Interpol warrant from Kazakhstan’s Interior Ministry.

Kazakhstan and Montenegro do not have an extradition agreement, so Montenegrin officials needed time to consider the Kazakh authorities’ request to repatriate Smailova to Kazakhstan. Smailova was therefore quickly freed from custody but remained in Montenegro, and in July, she and her husband, Almat Mukhamedzhanov, were granted international protection status in the country, signaling that she was unlikely to be extradited.

On September 4, Montenegro’s Supreme Court ruled to deny Kazakhstan’s request for her extradition, and on September 12, Smailova wrote on Facebook that the decision had come into force.

NeMolchi.kz is an organization that defends the rights of women and children in Kazakhstan and reports on incidents of domestic violence, a problem that has become more visible in the country in recent years. Violence against women has become a priority issue for the Kazakh government, especially since the high-profile murder of a young woman named Saltanat Nukenova in 2023.

The Nukenova Case and Public Outcry

Saltanat Nukenova was killed in an Astana restaurant by her husband, Kuandyk Bishimbayev, a former Kazakh Minister of National Economy. Bishimbayev was convicted of taking bribes and, in March 2018, was sentenced to ten years in prison. His term was later reduced to four years, and he was eventually released early in December 2020.

On November 9, 2023, Bishimbayev and Nukenova went to an Astana restaurant where they had a private room reserved. Bishimbayev and Nukenova quarreled, following which Bishimbayev severely beat his wife, then waited several hours while she lay dying from head injuries he inflicted on her before calling for medical help.

Later that same month, it was reported that the police in East Kazakhstan Province had started investigating Smailova for fraud. Police questioned “hundreds” of people who had donated to NeMolchi.kz, on the suspicion that Smailova had used some of the donated money for personal purchases. Before the end of 2023, formal charges were lodged against Smailova, and Kazakhstan put out an international warrant for her arrest.

Bishimbayev’s trial was televised and drew a huge audience in Kazakhstan. He was found guilty and sentenced to 24 years in prison. The details of the beating of Nukenova shocked the country and put a needed spotlight on the problem of domestic abuse.

Legislative Reforms and Ongoing Tensions

In the wake of Nukenova’s murder, Kazakhstan’s government passed several laws strengthening protection for women. In June 2024, new legislation, dubbed “Saltanat’s Law,” came into effect that criminalizes violence against women and children.

Kazakhstan introduced criminal liability for forced marriage on September 16, 2025. Bride kidnapping, or alap qashu, while not widespread, remains a problem in parts of Central Asia, particularly in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan. In August, meanwhile, Kazakhstan’s General Prosecutor’s Office announced a new law establishing criminal liability for stalking had come into effect.

Since “Saltanat’s Law” came onto the statute books, in the first five months of 2025, reports of domestic violence dropped by 20.5% compared to the same period in 2024. The number of serious domestic crimes fell by 29%, while particularly serious offenses declined by 44%.

Natural Allies

It is difficult to shake the feeling that the Kazakh government and Smailova should have sufficient common ground to work together to combat domestic violence. A survivor of a gang rape when she was young, Smailova has been criticizing the authorities for not doing enough to protect women and girls from abuse since she formed NeMolchi.kz in 2016. That has clearly made her some enemies.

In March 2024, the UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders released a statement that said since 2017, “there has been a pattern of persecution targeting Dinara Smailova. Criminal cases against her have reportedly been opened, suspended or closed, and then reopened 16 times.”

That statement credited NeMolchi.kz with legislation passed in Kazakhstan in late 2019, “tightening responsibility for rape and strengthening the prevention of domestic and sexual violence.”

Smailova’s NeMolchi.kz continues to post on Facebook, drawing attention to the ongoing problem of violence against women in Kazakhstan and criticizing the authorities for not doing more to prevent these abuses.

Kazakh investigators are not backing down from their latest charges against Smailova, while she continues to publicly question whether the authorities are regularly enforcing the laws against domestic violence.

Both the Kazakh government and Smailova and NeMolchi.kz are seemingly working toward the same goals, but they do so while fending off each other’s attacks.

Book Launch at the U.S. Capitol: New Uzbekistan: The Path of Shavkat Mirziyoyev

On September 16, the Embassy of Uzbekistan in Washington, D.C., hosted a book launch at the Rayburn Building on Capitol Hill for New Uzbekistan: The Path of Shavkat Mirziyoyev. The event drew diplomats, congressional staff, and representatives from companies such as General Motors and Boeing.

The keynote address was delivered by Sodyq Safayev, First Deputy Chairperson of Uzbekistan’s Senate. Other speakers included Husan Ermatov, the book’s Uzbek-language editor and advisor to Uzbekistan’s Ishonch newspaper; Eldor Aripov, Director of the Institute for Strategic and Regional Studies under the President of Uzbekistan; Lisa Choate, President and CEO of American Councils; and Elena Son, Executive Director of the American-Uzbekistan Chamber of Commerce.

Speakers highlighted Uzbekistan’s recent trajectory, noting shifts from a state-controlled economy and limited international engagement (1993–2016) to more market-oriented policies and broader foreign relations (2017–present).

They also framed today’s Uzbekistan as shaped by historical experiences and cultural development, which some described as an “Uzbek Renaissance.” According to the speakers, President Mirziyoyev has promoted reforms in areas including governance, socio-economic development, and international outreach.

Safayev remarked: “this [book signing] is not just about diplomacy but about shared values, mutual understanding, and a common vision of the future. The book before you, authored by Qudratilla Rafiqov, Uzbek scholar and political scientist, is a chronicle of change, resilience, and hope. The most difficult part of this book is a [description of the] transformation of hearts and minds. Its central message is simple and powerful: the history of Uzbekistan is written by people through their interactions and aspirations. And justice lies at the heart of reform.” By justice, he clarified, he meant fairness—ensuring that citizens have opportunities for family stability, safety, and employment.

While the book presents Uzbekistan’s current government agenda in a favorable light, it also introduces new readers to the President’s stated priorities: attracting investment, promoting rule of law and fairness, liberalizing the economy, restructuring social policies, contributing to global peace efforts, and maintaining pragmatic security and foreign policy strategies.

Aripov emphasized that the book is “not really about reforms, or about a leader who has been able to initiate and implement large-scale transformation in a very short period of time. It is a testimony to a new era into which Uzbekistan is entering. Today, hopes are rising in Uzbekistan, a sense of national pride is strengthened, and ambitions are being achieved that only recently seemed unattainable. These changes are being felt by ordinary citizens. They see how their lives are improving, how opportunities are expanding, and how confidence in the future is becoming a reality. That is why this book is not only a chronicle of, but also a symbol of faith that Uzbekistan can become one of the centers of sustainable development, openness and cooperation in Eurasia and the wider world. Why do I believe this to be the case? Because, under my President, the country has moved from ‘guarded isolation’ to ‘post-purposeful openness,’ from managing risks to exporting stability, and from ad hoc transactions to rules-based cooperation.”

The Uzbek Embassy, which organized the event, reported that “since the start of this year, visits and high-level events have produced 366 investment agreements totaling $75 billion. Roadmaps have also been approved for 222 projects worth about $45 billion.” It remains to be seen how these agreements will be realized, but the tone of the event was optimistic.

As expected, both the book and the speakers presented democratic reforms—such as electoral changes, administrative modernization, and expanded socio-economic programs including access to credit—as central to the concept of building a “New Uzbekistan,” while also signaling opportunities for long-term investment.

Kazakhstan’s Cultural Reawakening: Almaty Opens Its New Museum of Arts

First, a young Kazakh schoolgirl in a black dress with a starched collar, her hair tousled by the wind of the Aral Sea, clutches a large Russian book tightly to her chest as she stands before a lonely school building in the middle of nowhere.

Then, a camel speaks: “Give me back the sea!”

“No!” cries a woman, her face hidden beneath a military hat. She stands before an abandoned edifice, her head wrapped in fur, her body strangely adorned with eggs.

Image: Almagul Menlibayeva

This series of surreal images is from the video Transoxiana Dream, by one of Central Asia’s pioneering contemporary artists, Almagul Menlibayeva. The Times of Central Asia attended her major solo show, I Understand Everything, curated by Thai curator Gritiya Gaweewong, a powerful exploration of memory, trauma, and identity, which provides the “treble clef” for the opening of the Almaty Museum of Arts.

The show brings together works spanning decades, from Menlibayeva’s early paintings and collages in the 1980s, to her recent internationally recognized video and photography works. Through a variety of mediums, she charts the collapse of the Soviet Union, the ecological devastation of Kazakhstan, and suppressed cultural memory.

Almagul Menlibayeva, People Talking against a Blue Background, 1988; image: Almaty Museum of Arts

As always in her practice, the feminine and feminist narratives are at the forefront. Menlibayeva’s women are at times bound with nature or with military rule, alternately merciful or merciless. Her works tackle ecological concerns, tying them directly to the destruction of patriarchy.

“For us, opening our program with Menlibayeva’s show was highly significant,” says Meruyert Kaliyeva, the museum’s artistic director. “She is a pioneering Central Asian artist who is known internationally but at the same time has always dealt with topics and themes that are important locally.”

A New Museum in Almaty

The inauguration of the Almaty Museum of Arts represents a decisive step in shaping Kazakhstan’s creative future. As the country’s first large-scale contemporary art museum, it houses over 700 works collected across three decades, offering a panoramic view of modern Kazakh art while opening pathways to Central Asian and international dialogues.

Almaty Museum of Arts; image: Alexey Poptsov

Its mission extends beyond exhibitions: the institution positions itself as a center for education, research, and collaboration, aiming to nurture local artists and connect them to global networks. For Kazakhstan, long without a dedicated contemporary art museum, this moment signals a new era, one in which cultural identity is asserted with confidence, and the arts are recognized as a vital force for national memory as well as international visibility.

Kaliyeva emphasizes how essential it is that Kazakh artists now have a platform where voices once peripheral to national culture can take center stage. She also stresses the urgency of the moment: in a world reshaped by geopolitical fractures, climate crises, and cultural decolonization, this opening is necessary: “It’s a moment for Kazakhstan to assert its own narratives, to host memory and imagination on its own terms.”

Meruyert Kaliyeva; image: Anvar Rakishev

Kaliyeva situates the institution in Kazakhstan’s broader cultural history, highlighting how the country has long been a “laboratory of friendship,” forged through waves of migration and displacement, from deported Koreans to Soviet dissidents. In her view, the museum must serve as a decolonial institution, allowing Kazakhs to reclaim identity apart from Soviet ideology. “This sentiment began a long time ago when Kazakh people started to look for their own identity, but it became especially important after the war in Ukraine,” she observes.

Nurlan Smagulov, the museum’s founder, frames his role as one of stewardship as much as ownership: “It’s a lot of responsibility because Kazakhstan never had a contemporary art museum of this kind.”

Smagulov’s love affair with art began in his youth, amidst the halls of Moscow’s Pushkin Museum. At just 17 years old, he found solace and inspiration in the works of the Impressionists, igniting a passion that would shape his life’s journey.

Nurlan Smagulov; image: Almaty Museum of Arts

“Growing up in what used to be the Soviet Union, everything was prohibited,” he recounts. “Going abroad was impossible. Nobody was buying art. All the exhibitions I saw, I saw on TV. The artists could only paint in the style of Socialist Realism. There was a very strict censorship. There was no freedom in art.”

Smagulov began building his collection in the early 1990s, focusing on local artists whose works resonated with his own experiences and memories. These acquisitions now form the basis of the museum’s permanent holdings. Today, his collection spans several generations of artists, from the pioneering figures of the 1960s and 70s to the contemporary visionaries of today. In the absence of a proper contemporary art museum, the focus on Kazakh and Central Asian art is particularly significant.

Zhanatai Sharden, Aksai Mountains; image: Almaty Museum of Arts

The permanent collection also includes works by international artists such as Richard Serra, Anselm Kiefer, Bill Viola, and Yayoi Kusama. These pieces serve as a bridge between Kazakhstan and the global contemporary art scene, fostering a dialogue between cultures and artistic traditions.

“I feel that I’ve written a new story,” says Smagulov. “I feel joy that many people will come here and they will be proud of their country.”

The Permanent Collection

The museum’s inaugural exhibition, curated by Latvian curator Inga Lace, is titled Konakhtar (“guests”), emphasizing the theme of hospitality that has shaped Kazakh culture for centuries. “A thing about hospitality is that in nomadic times, guests would also bring with them interesting stories,” says Lace. “So, hospitality was seen as a way of survival, but also a way of communicating.”

The works she places in the foreground open with festive gatherings, such as Aisha Galibaeva’s Shepherd’s Feast, where traditions of Kazakh conviviality are refracted through the Soviet lens. Yet hospitality, Lace reminds us, is not always voluntary. Soviet-era forced displacements – Koreans, dissidents, or those sent during the Virgin Lands campaign – reshaped communities. “Hospitality emerges as a very political act,” she notes.

The exhibition traces how these histories live on in artistic visions, whether through music, as in Dina Pilsava’s dombra performances appropriated by Soviet officials, or in avant-garde reinterpretations of nomadic forms by the generation of the 1960s.

“This collection and this museum is built as this kind of dialogue,” says Lace. “So, we have Kazakh art and the collection of the founder as the nucleus, and then international art to have this bridge with the global contemporary scene.”

Inga Lace; image: Almaty Museum of Arts

Lace’s presentation concludes with a meditation on migration and cosmopolitanism, embodied in artists like Yevgeny Sidorkin, who illustrated Kazakh folk tales, or Sergey Kalmykov, who adopted Kazakhstan as the site of his cosmic experiments. For Lace, these works collectively express the desire to “see the past and also imagine different futures through the art of the region and the country.”

Both founders see the museum as a catalyst for change, hoping that international audiences will be more and more encouraged to come to Almaty. Presenting artists insisting on sharing voices across regions and histories, the Almaty Museum of Arts gathers fragments of memory, trauma, and resilience, weaving them into a cultural space that allows Kazakhstan to see itself anew, and to be seen by the world.

Almagul Menlibayeva, People and Animals, 1997; image: Almaty Museum of Arts

Almagul Menlibayeva perhaps put it best: “When we look at Kazakhstan, we see a strong connection with a number of countries and regions, from Europe, Siberia, Japan, Korea, but also China, and, of course, the Middle East,” she says. “I found that for me it was easy to understand, even if some places don’t understand each other. I feel like I’m a satellite, moving between regions and attempting to understand everything.”

UN Action Plan to Protect Religious Sites Presented in Astana

As part of the Congress of Leaders of World and Traditional Religions in Astana, a special session convened under the auspices of the United Nations presented an updated Action Plan to Protect Religious Sites around the world.

The Congress, held every three years in Kazakhstan’s capital since its inception in 2003, has become a significant platform for interfaith dialogue and global cooperation. For the first time, this year’s forum included a dedicated session on safeguarding religious heritage.

The revised plan was introduced by UN Deputy Secretary-General and High Representative for the Alliance of Civilizations Miguel Angel Moratinos, who praised Kazakhstan’s longstanding commitment to promoting global peace and interreligious dialogue. He affirmed the UN’s readiness to support collaborative initiatives arising from the Congress.

Kazakhstan Senate Chairman Maulen Ashimbayev emphasized the country’s backing of the 2023 UN General Assembly resolution on interfaith dialogue and combating hate speech, along with the new UN Action Plan.

“Throughout our history, temples and spiritual sites of different religions have coexisted peacefully and remain an integral part of our cultural heritage. Located at the crossroads of East and West, Kazakhstan has always played the role of a bridge connecting peoples, cultures, and religions. We attach great importance to the preservation and protection of these sacred places,” Ashimbayev said.

Participants voiced concern over increasing threats to religious heritage in various parts of the world. Director of the UN Alliance of Civilizations Nihal Saad reminded attendees that the original plan was adopted in 2019 in response to a series of attacks on religious institutions.

“Despite global efforts, we have witnessed numerous attacks on religious sites. The Alliance is convinced that all places of worship should be sanctuaries, not targets for terror and bloodshed. People should be able to practice their faith peacefully and without fear,” she stated.

The session concluded with calls to establish sustainable legal and institutional frameworks to ensure the protection of sacred sites worldwide.

As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, spiritual leaders from across the globe are set to gather in Astana on September 17-18.

Dollarization in Kyrgyzstan Declines as Banks Report Lower Profits

The National Bank of the Kyrgyz Republic (NBKR) has reported a continued decline in dollarization within the country’s banking sector, reflecting growing public confidence in the national currency.

As of early September, the share of foreign currency loans in the banking sector dropped to 18%, down from over 20% at the start of the year. The decrease is even more pronounced in the deposit base: the share of foreign currency deposits fell from 43% to 38% during the first eight months of 2025. NBKR officials say households are increasingly moving away from the U.S. dollar and other foreign currencies as trust in the national currency, the som, strengthens.

Despite the reduction in foreign currency lending and deposits, the sector overall continues to grow. Since the beginning of the year, deposits in Kyrgyz soms have increased by 21%, reaching 717.6 billion KGS ($8.2 billion). The total loan portfolio rose by 26% to 430 billion KGS ($4.9 billion).

However, commercial banks are reporting weaker profitability. Financial statements for January to August 2025 indicate a steep drop in earnings from foreign exchange operations. During this period, turnover in foreign currencies fell by more than 2 billion KGS ($23 million), totaling 18 billion KGS ($206.5 million).

Analysts note that the current environment contrasts sharply with conditions just a few years ago. After the onset of Russia’s war in Ukraine in 2022 and the introduction of Western sanctions, Kyrgyzstan’s currency market experienced significant volatility. Banks then benefited from heightened demand for exchange operations. But with today’s more stable ruble and reduced fluctuations, those profits have diminished.

Just five years ago, the National Bank was actively urging citizens to use the som more broadly. At the time, dollar-denominated loans were more expensive, yet remained popular among Kyrgyz borrowers. Now, the trend has reversed, with households increasingly choosing the national currency over foreign alternatives.