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Uzbekistan Rejects Military Alliances and Maintains Observer Role in EAEU

At the opening of the Week of International Partnership Initiatives in Tashkent, the first deputy speaker of the Legislative Chamber of the Oliy Majlis, Akmal Saidov, stated that Uzbekistan will not join any military formations and will remain an observer state in the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). Responding to a question on whether Uzbekistan would compromise its sovereignty to cooperate more closely with other countries, Saidov announced: “The first article of our constitution states that Uzbekistan is a sovereign state. If we are talking about joining any paramilitary defense structures and organizations, then no, we will not allow it. We will never send our men [overseas] on military missions, including peacekeeping missions. There will be no foreign military bases in our territory." Saidov also emphasized that Uzbekistan’s current status as an observer in the EAEU is the most appropriate for the country. As head of the parliamentary commission tasked with studying Uzbekistan’s potential accession to the EAEU, Saidov asserted that, after reviewing over a thousand documents, observer status better aligns with Uzbekistan’s interests. He further explained that Kazakhstan had gained minimal benefit from joining the EAEU and that the new Constitution strengthens and strictly follows the main principles of Uzbekistan’s foreign policy. Uzbekistan received observer status in the EAEU on December 11, 2020, during an online summit of the High Eurasian Economic Council, attended by President Shavkat Mirziyoyev.

Kyrgyzstan Encourages German Investment in Raw Materials Extraction and Logistics

During a Kyrgyz-German Business Forum in Munich on October 10, Kyrgyzstan’s Chairman of the Cabinet of Ministers, Akylbek Japarov, stated that  following the first Kyrgyz-German Business Forum in Hamburg over a year ago, bilateral relations between the two countries had strengthened alongside a mutual interest in deepening cooperation. Japarov cited the fact that 180 joint Kyrgyz-German enterprises are currently engaged in Kyrgyzstan’s trade, industry, agriculture, tourism, energy, education, and services sectors, and to encourage further  German investment and  participation in implementing the government’s ambitious economic development plans, invited businesses to attend the ‘Day of German Economy in Kyrgyzstan.’ Scheduled for summer 2025, the event follows three 'Days of Kyrgyz Economy' in Hamburg, Frankfurt am Main, and Munich. Addressing the forum, Kyrgyz Minister of Economy and Commerce Daniyar Amangeldiev spoke of Kyrgyzstan's interest in developing cooperation with Germany on raw materials, with reference to the presence of  100 raw material deposits in Kyrgyzstan. In addition, he proposed that German investors participate in auctions to gain the right to use the subsoil in Kyrgyzstan and develop deposits using modern technologies that comply with environmental standards. The minister also touched upon the development of transport and logistics infrastructure and invited German companies to collaborate in the development of Kyrgyzstan's logistics system, stating: "Kyrgyzstan, located in the heart of Central Asia, is  ‘landlocked’. At the same time, the Great Silk Road — a trade route between West and East, North and South — has been passing through our country since ancient times. Therefore, our country should rightfully be called ‘land connecting,’”

Pope Francis Receives Kyrgyzstan President Japarov

On October 4, during his official visit to Italy, Kyrgyzstan President Sadyr Japarov was received by Pope Francis at the Vatican. As reported by the president's press office, Japarov emphasized Kyrgyzstan's status as a secular, multi-ethnic country which guarantees freedom of religion to the numerous communities which integral to Kyrgyz society,  play an essential role in its development. The Kyrgyz leader also noted that one of the country's key traditional values has always been tolerance and respect for cultural diversity, and extended an open invitation to the Pope to visit. According to the Holy See’s press office, the discussions focused on the cordial relations between the Holy See and Kyrgyzstan and the two states’ "mutual collaboration in the fields of healthcare, education, and culture, and aspects of the life of the local Church." The two leaders also exchanged opinions on current international affairs “with special attention to the ongoing conflicts and humanitarian issues, revealing the importance of urgent commitment to promoting peace." During the audience, Pope Francis presented President Japarov with a terracotta sculpture entitled "Love and Tenderness," a photo book on the Apostolic Palace, and a copy of this year's Message for Peace. In return, President Japarov gifted Pope Francis decorated jars filled with honey ecologically produced in the mountains of Kyrgyzstan, an image of St Peter's Basilica made from colorful wool, and a handcrafted  Kyrgyz silver tea set. Japarov is the third leader of a Central Asian country to meet Pope Francis. In January 2024, Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev made his first official visit to the Holy See at Pope Francis's invitation, at which appreciation was expressed for the good relations between the Holy See and Kazakhstan, particularly regarding mutual collaboration in interreligious dialogue. The meeting followed in the wake of Pope Francis' visit to Kazakhstan in September 2022, to attend the Congress of the Leaders of World and Traditional Religions in Astana. Held in the Kazakh capital every three years, the Congress functions as a permanent international interfaith platform for dialogue between religions. In April 2024, Tajikistan President Emomali Rahmon visited the Vatican and during his meeting with Pope Francis, stressed his country's tolerance and coexistence of representatives of all religions.  

Navigating Diplomacy: Central Asia’s Strategic Balancing Act Amid Middle East Tensions

The five Central Asian republics are actively building ties with the outside world, trying to balance the influence of China and Russia in the region. For the former Soviet republics, the Middle East was, until recently, a kind of terra incognita since Moscow carried out all contacts with the area. However, since the nineties, thanks to a growing friendship with Turkey, Kazakhstan, followed by other Central Asian republics, have begun establishing diplomatic, cultural, and trade ties with the Middle East and North African countries. Another escalation in the Middle East has forced the diplomatic departments of the Central Asian countries, whilst avoiding any accusations against either side in the conflict, to inform their citizens about and the address the fate of their compatriots who have found themselves at the epicenter of events. Kazakhstan In Kazakhstan, law enforcement agencies reacted before diplomats. Shyngys Alekeshev, head of the Interior Ministry's Information Policy Department, said in response to journalists' inquiries that police in the republic have brought their patrol routes closer to synagogues and Israeli diplomatic facilities. Later, official representative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Kazakhstan, Aibek Smadiarov, said that no Kazakh citizens were injured as a result of the armed escalation between Iran and Israel, and urged Kazakh citizens in the Middle East to exercise caution. “The Kazakh Foreign Ministry expresses deep concern about the increasing escalation of tensions in the Middle East. We call on all parties involved to exercise restraint and refrain from using forceful methods to avoid civilian casualties and further escalation of the situation in the region, which could provoke a full-scale war. In this regard, we note the importance of taking early measures to resolve differences exclusively through political and diplomatic means within the framework of the principles of the UN Charter and international law,” said Smadiarov. According to the representative, 120 citizens of the Republic of Kazakhstan, including diplomats and their family members, are registered as being present in Israel, 102 in Iran, and 139 in Lebanon. “Communication channels have been created with citizens who are in these countries. Constant communication is maintained with them, and necessary recommendations are given depending on the development of the situation in one country or another. Several times, embassies have announced the need to leave the country due to the aggravation of military and political situations. At the same time, the Ministry and authorized bodies are monitoring the situation to work out possible repatriation flights. The evacuation of our citizens is still under consideration and the special control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs,” said Smadiarov. Kyrgyzstan The Kyrgyz Foreign Ministry stated on October 2 that it is deeply concerned about events taking place in the Middle East, stating that it is calling on “the conflicting parties to respect the fundamental principles and norms of international law, including refraining from actions leading to an escalation of the situation in the region. The Kyrgyz Republic urges the global community to completely stop military action as soon as possible, and start...

The Ferghana Valley: Navigating Complex Challenges in Central Asia’s Most Volatile Region

The Ferghana Valley is one of Central Asia’s most fertile and densely populated areas, but it is also among the most volatile. Spanning Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, this landlocked region has long been a hotbed of ethnic tension, water disputes, and political instability. These challenges are deeply rooted in the geography, history, and sociopolitical landscape, making the valley a key focal point for understanding broader regional dynamics in Central Asia.   Geographical Importance and Ethnic Diversity Nestled between the towering Tien Shan and Pamir Mountain ranges, the Ferghana Valley covers over 22,000 square kilometers. It is fertile land nourished by the Syr Darya River, making it a critical area for cultivating cotton, fruits, and vegetables. These natural resources have historically drawn diverse populations, creating a vibrant ethnic mosaic. The valley is home to Uzbeks, Kyrgyz, and Tajiks, as well as smaller ethnic groups. While ethnic Uzbeks form the majority, significant Kyrgyz and Tajik minorities inhabit border regions. The ethnic diversity of the Ferghana Valley is both a strength and a source of tension. Soviet-era border policies exacerbated these divisions by creating artificial boundaries that crisscrossed the valley, leaving behind ethnic enclaves — pockets of one nationality surrounded by the territory of another. These enclaves have complicated governance and territorial integrity, making border management a persistent challenge.   The Soviet Legacy and Border Disputes During Soviet rule, the Central Asian republics were organized under Stalin’s divide-and-rule strategy, which deliberately created complex borders to weaken local identities and prevent regional unity. The Ferghana Valley, divided among three Soviet republics, is a prime example of this approach. After the Soviet Union's collapse in 1991, the administrative boundaries became international borders overnight between Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan. The lack of clearly defined borders has sparked numerous conflicts over territory, water, and land. A notable clash between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan in 2021 resulted in over 40 deaths and the destruction of homes and infrastructure. Many disputes revolve around access to scarce resources like water and arable land. These issues have escalated into violent confrontations, leading to casualties and the displacement of local populations.   Water: A Scarce and Contested Resource Water is the lifeblood of the Ferghana Valley, but disputes over its allocation are a major source of tension. The valley depends heavily on irrigation for its agricultural productivity, and the Syr Darya River, along with its tributaries, plays a crucial role in supplying water to the region. However, the division of the valley among the three countries complicates water management. Uzbekistan, the most populous of the three, relies on the valley’s water resources for its cotton industry, a cornerstone of its economy. Meanwhile, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, which control the headwaters of the Syr Darya, often use their upstream position to leverage water access. This dynamic has led to frequent disagreements over water usage. For instance, Kyrgyzstan has at times threatened to withhold water unless it receives compensation, either through payments or electricity.   Ethnic Tensions and Political Instability Ethnic tensions further complicate the Ferghana Valley’s already volatile...

The Illusion of Influence: The CSTO’s Journey From Symbolic Maneuvers To Real Challenges

Accompanied by a picture of military hardware - though in reverse gear as if symbolically - today, the CSTO (Collective Security Treaty Organization) website announced that “From 26 to 30 September, formations participating in the command-staff exercise 'Unbreakable Brotherhood-2024' with the CSTO Peacekeeping Forces are regrouping in the Republic of Kazakhstan. Contingents of CSTO troops are being sent from the Republic of Belarus, the Kyrgyz Republic, the Russian Federation, and the Republic of Tajikistan to the exercise area in accordance with the plan.” In reality, the history of the CSTO is one of refusals, inaction, and sometimes unexpected successes. On August 31, Armenia announced it had frozen its participation in the CSTO. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said he would not name the day when Armenia would leave the CSTO and called the decision to freeze the republic's participation in all structures of the organization correct “at this stage.” In many ways, this half-hearted decision reflects a certain amorphousness that originally characterized the CSTO.   History The history of the structure's emergence reflects this lack of crystalline form. The Collective Security Treaty (CST) was signed in Tashkent between Armenia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan on May 15, 1992. Azerbaijan, Belarus and Georgia later joined in 1993. The treaty came into effect in 1994 and was set to last five years. During the 1990s and the disintegration of Soviet-era institutions, organizations such as the CSTO or the previously created Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), whose founding protocol was signed in Almaty, were created to facilitate a smooth “divorce” between the newly independent states. The CSTO was also seen as a force capable of curbing the regional conflicts which were boiling over, such as the Mujaheddin in Afghanistan. Tashkent's bet on Russian weapons in case of conflicts with the Taliban did not work out, however. From the turn of the 1990s into the 2000s, two serious fissures across the borders of Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan took place; the republics fought back with their own military and weapons, in addition to Kazakhstan coming to the rescue. The Collective Security Treaty expired in 1999, with Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, and Georgia withdrawing, whilst Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, and Tajikistan soldiered on under a new pact. The remaining states later transformed the CST into the Collective Security Treaty Organization in 2002. Uzbekistan joined as a full member of the CSTO in 2006 but then flip-flopped and suspended its membership in 2012.   A powerless organization While the CSTO was still developing, with President Vladimir Putin coming to power in Russia, the Kremlin's foreign policy changed substantively from that of the Yeltsin era, when Moscow remained indifferent to Nursultan Nazarbayev's integration initiatives. The new direction of Russian foreign policy was expressed in the concepts of “Russia rising from its knees” and the "gathering of lands.” Over time, this evolved into joint war games and military operations with the West in the Middle East and Africa, and for a period the Kremlin seemed to lose interest in Central Asia....