• KGS/USD = 0.01153 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00201 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09243 0.87%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28573 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01153 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00201 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09243 0.87%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28573 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01153 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00201 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09243 0.87%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28573 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01153 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00201 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09243 0.87%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28573 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01153 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00201 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09243 0.87%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28573 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01153 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00201 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09243 0.87%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28573 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01153 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00201 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09243 0.87%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28573 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01153 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00201 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09243 0.87%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28573 -0.14%
03 April 2025

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Kazakhstan Cracks Down on Crimes Against Children and Women

Kazakhstan’s Commissioner for Children’s Rights, Dinara Zakiyeva, has outlined the scale of sexual violence against minors and the state’s efforts to combat it by strengthening legislation and support systems. Legislative Changes In April 2024, Kazakhstan introduced sweeping amendments to its criminal legislation, significantly increasing penalties for crimes against women and children. On April 15, 2024, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev signed into law the On Amendments and Additions to Some Legislative Acts of the Republic of Kazakhstan on Ensuring Women's Rights and Children's Safety. Key changes to the Criminal Code include: Prohibition of lenient sentencing for crimes involving violence against minors; Elimination of reconciliation between parties in cases involving violence against minors; Introduction of life imprisonment as the sole penalty for the murder of a minor (Article 99), rape of a minor (Article 120), and other violent sexual acts against minors (Article 121), removing alternative sentencing options; Criminalization of sexual solicitation of individuals under 16; and Legal liability for inciting or assisting in suicide. Scope of the Problem According to Zakiyeva, approximately 900 crimes related to the sexual abuse of minors are reported in Kazakhstan each year. Since the enactment of the new law, 25 to 27 individuals have already received life sentences for such offenses. The highest incidence of these crimes is recorded in southern Kazakhstan, specifically Almaty, Turkestan, and Zhambyl regions, as well as West Kazakhstan and Kostanay regions. Zakiyeva notes that these areas often have high population density and conservative family structures that may conceal abuse. Zakiyeva shared disturbing cases of underage girls who had given birth as a result of prolonged abuse. “In Zhambyl region, I met a 13-year-old girl who had been raped for six years by her two uncles. In Turkestan region, I visited a center housing 16 underage mothers, aged 13 to 15, all of whom were victims of abuse by relatives. Many didn’t even realize they were victims of a crime, they believed this was normal family life,” she said. Prevention and Support The children’s ombudsman emphasized that effective anti-violence strategies globally rely on four pillars: strengthening legal frameworks; promoting self-defense and awareness; working with families to identify risk factors early; and expanding support infrastructure for victims. Kazakhstan’s new legislation supports preventive measures such as deploying mobile teams to identify at-risk families and establishing family support centers in every district. Currently, 112 such centers are operational, with another 109 underway. In Turkestan region alone, the number of centers has grown from one to 13, with four more soon to open. Helpline and Awareness In a single month, Kazakhstan’s national children’s helpline received 120 phone calls and 11,145 text messages. According to Zakiyeva, these messages often reveal the deep emotional isolation children feel. “Children feel alone. They’re scared to speak out. They’re afraid to tell anyone that they’re being threatened, blackmailed, or approached by strangers. Many can’t talk to their parents, teachers, or psychologists,” she said.

UN Envoy for Afghanistan Otunbayeva: Taliban Must Uphold International Obligations and Restore Women’s Rights

The Taliban must clearly demonstrate their commitment to Afghanistan’s international reintegration, Roza Otunbayeva, former President of Kyrgyzstan and now Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General for Afghanistan, told the UN Security Council on March 10. Otunbayeva, who also heads the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA), stressed the need for the Taliban to uphold international obligations, particularly concerning human rights and governance. Ongoing Crisis in Afghanistan “The de facto authorities have, so far, treated [Afghanistan’s] international obligations selectively,” Otunbayeva stated. However, she underscored that these commitments “affect not only the possibility of progress along the political pathway but, most crucially, the well-being of Afghanistan’s entire population.” Afghanistan continues to face a severe humanitarian crisis, she warned, adding that the ongoing defunding of aid programs is already having, and will continue to have, a devastating impact on the Afghan people. Welcoming the World Bank’s recent decision to provide an additional $240 million for Afghanistan’s health sector, Otunbayeva highlighted the collaborative approach between the UN and its partners in supporting the country’s economy. While Afghanistan has seen some economic growth and increased investment, she argued that the Taliban’s vision of economic self-sufficiency remains unattainable unless political and diplomatic obstacles to reintegration are addressed. Otunbayeva also expressed concern over the continued restrictions on women’s rights in Afghanistan. UNAMA has closely monitored the Taliban’s enforcement of the Law on the Prevention of Vice and Promotion of Virtue, introduced in August 2024. “The law demonstrates the de facto authorities’ prioritization of ideology over international obligations,” she stated. Afghanistan and Central Asia: Strengthening Regional Ties The Security Council also heard statements from several regional representatives. Kazakhstan’s delegate noted that the country has launched a wheat-farming initiative in central Afghanistan to empower local farmers. Additionally, Kazakhstan has supported the establishment of the United Nations Regional Centre for the Sustainable Development Goals for Central Asia and Afghanistan in Almaty. Both Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan have removed the Taliban from their lists of terrorist organizations in an effort to deepen trade and economic ties with Afghanistan. Meanwhile, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan have sought to establish formal political contacts with the Taliban-led Afghan government and expand economic and transport infrastructure cooperation. In contrast, Tajikistan’s relations with the Taliban remain strained. Afghanistan remains heavily dependent on electricity imports from Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, both of which are also involved in Afghan railway construction projects. Turkmenistan is currently participating in the construction of the Afghan section of the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) pipeline, which will transport Turkmen natural gas to South Asia. Speaking at the 79th session of the UN General Assembly in September 2024, Uzbekistan’s Foreign Minister Bakhtiyor Saidov reaffirmed that Afghanistan is an integral part of Central Asia and that addressing its challenges is essential for regional stability and development. “Uzbekistan is pursuing a pragmatic policy towards Afghanistan. We will continue to contribute to Afghanistan’s economic reconstruction and the development of its transport and energy infrastructure,” he stated. In August 2024, Uzbekistan opened the International Trade Center in Termez, near the Afghan...

March for Women’s Rights in Bishkek: Kyrgyz Voices Demand Change

The annual March for Women's Rights in Bishkek on March 8 drew around 500 participants, reaffirming Kyrgyzstan’s status as the only country in Central Asia where such demonstrations take place every year, despite persistent pressure and resistance. The march began at noon in front of the former Ministry of Foreign Affairs building near Staraya Square. Participants, chanting slogans, walked to Gorky Park, holding placards demanding equality and greater protection of women's rights. "We Need Security, Not Flowers" Many posters reflected the urgent issues faced by Kyrgyz women: "Don't be silent." "Abortion is a personal decision, not a legal debate." "We need security, not flowers." "No to violence against women." "A WOMAN is NOT a free housekeeper. Not a reproductive item. Not cheap labor. Not an object of comfort." [caption id="attachment_29596" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] Image: ТСА, Tamila Olzhbaekova[/caption] These slogans underscore the real challenges confronting women in Kyrgyzstan, including domestic violence, gender inequality, and the restriction of reproductive rights. "I Am Proud That Women Can Speak Openly About Their Rights" For many participants, the march was not just a protest but also a significant step in the ongoing fight for their rights. Mairam, 24, Osh: "I am proud to live in a country where women can speak openly about their rights. Despite all the difficulties, we continue to take to the streets, and this is very important. This march reminds us that we are not alone." Amina, 20, Bishkek: "This is my second year participating in the march. For me, it is more than just an event—it is an opportunity to voice the concerns of all women in our country. Here, you feel unity and support." Asel, 27, Bishkek: "Every year, I come here because I believe that the louder we speak about our rights, the more change we can achieve. Women in Kyrgyzstan deserve security and equal opportunities." [caption id="attachment_29595" align="aligncenter" width="1920"] Image: ТСА, Tamila Olzhbaekova[/caption] A Symbol of the Struggle for Equal Rights The Women’s March in Bishkek has become a symbol of resistance and determination, continuing despite repeated attempts to ban or restrict it. Year after year, more people take to the streets to affirm a simple yet powerful message that women's rights are human rights, and without equality, there can be no just society.

Opinion: Balancing Rights and Realities – Engaging Afghanistan for Change

The attention of the international community has once again turned to human rights in Afghanistan following the latest report by Richard Bennett, the United Nations Human Rights Council’s Special Rapporteur on Afghanistan. In his report, Bennett recommended that member states consider the concept of gender apartheid and support its codification, noting that Afghan women regard this term as the most accurate description of their situation. This initiative emerged in response to the tightening restrictions on women and girls imposed by the Taliban. The renewed focus on gender issues is not exactly what Central Asian countries expect in the context of Afghan settlement. For them, it is far more important to address pressing issues of security, economic cooperation, and control of migration flows, which directly affect regional stability. Therefore, Central Asian states prefer to concentrate on practical steps and avoid over-politicizing issues that could complicate dialogue with the Taliban and exacerbate the situation in neighboring Afghanistan. Today, women’s rights have become a cornerstone in the international community’s attempts to establish dialogue with the Taliban. The rights of women in Afghanistan have been a journey, with different periods bringing different challenges. Back in the 1920s, Amanullah Khan was a real game-changer, giving Afghan women the official equal status they deserved. But then things changed a bit during King Zahir Shah's reign (1933–1973) when education became a priority, and girls started going to school. By 1973, a heartening number of 150,000 girls were proudly enrolled in schools across the country. And let's not forget the momentous step of Kabul University opening its doors to women in 1947. Since the Taliban’s return to power in August 2021, women’s rights in Afghanistan have been significantly curtailed. Women are banned from attending educational institutions, working in most sectors, traveling without a male escort, and participating in public life. These measures have already received widespread international condemnation — rightfully so — but the official recognition of "gender apartheid" as a crime against humanity could give this issue a new legal status and increase pressure on the Islamic Emirate. The question is: How productive is this approach? The politicization of Afghan settlement, especially through the lens of women’s rights, may only worsen the situation. Making gender issues a precondition for dialogue severely limits the space for negotiations with the Taliban regime. In the United Nations itself, the Taliban are considered the "de facto authorities" of Afghanistan, and dialogue with them takes place at various bilateral and multilateral levels. In this context, strict demands on women’s rights could delay or even halt the process of engagement. This is because the Taliban perceives such conditions as interference in their internal affairs and cultural norms. Dialogue at an Impasse: Is an Inclusive Government Being Set Aside? The international community — primarily its Western segment — and the Islamic Emirate have taken extremely rigid positions. For international actors, women’s and girls’ rights have become the top priority, while the issue of forming an inclusive government in Afghanistan has receded into the background....

Feminists in Kazakhstan Under Pressure Ahead of International Women’s Day

On March 8, the world marks the annual International Women’s Day, and in Kazakhstan’s commercial capital, Almaty, the authorities are again working to prevent public gatherings sponsored by feminist or LGBT groups. Since early February, several members of the feminist group, Feminita, have been detained in Almaty. Preemptive Measures Late March 3, an Almaty court sentenced Aktorgyn Akkenzhebalasy of the feminist group Feminita to ten days in jail after finding her guilty of violating the law on organization of peaceful assemblies. The charge dated back to May 2024, when six members of Feminita held an unsanctioned march in downtown Almaty, demanding a life sentence for former Minister of National Economy Kuandyk Bishimbayev. Bishimbayev beat his wife to death in a private room in an Almaty restaurant in November 2023. His trial from March to May 2024 was broadcast over television and widely watched by the public in Kazakhstan. Akkenzhebalasy was not the only Feminita activist to be jailed for participating in the May 2024 march. On February 28, Feminita co-founder Zhanar Sekerbayeva was jailed for ten days, meaning she would not be freed from jail until March 10, two days after International Women’s Day. Sekerbayeva and another Feminita co-founder, Gulzada Serzhan, were detained on February 13 after Bagila Baltabayeva, the leader of a group called Kazakhstan’s Union of Parents, and several other women burst into a Feminita meeting. Baltabayeva is also the author of a widely circulated petition against LGBT propaganda. Feminita activists said Baltabayeva called the police and complained that participants in the meeting were corrupting minors and had no permission to conduct their meeting. Kazakh independent media outlet Vlast cited witnesses as saying Baltabayeva also struck Akkenzhebalasy. All 25 of the Feminita members at the meeting were detained but quickly released except Sekerbayeva and Serzhan, who were kept at the police station for several hours and eventually charged with conducting public activities of an unregistered social organization. Baltabayeva and those who accompanied her to disrupt the meeting were not detained. On February 14, Feminita tried to have another meeting, but a group of women from the charity fund Rahym interrupted, calling the Feminita activists “foreign agents” and demanding they “get out!“ Again, police questioned the Feminita activists but not the Rahym members who burst into the meeting. On February 19, an Almaty court found Sekerbayeva and Serzhan guilty of holding a meeting of an unregistered organization and were each fined 393,000 tenge (about $1,500). The Kazakhstan International Bureau for Human Rights and Rule of Law released a statement noting Feminita had tried repeatedly to register with authorities but was always rejected. The statement also mentioned that Feminita activists had been attacked during meetings in other cities in Kazakhstan and that “All this happened with complete inaction or direct connivance of the police against the aggressors.” Women’s Day vs Women’s Rights There are no reports indicating that the authorities in Almaty, or officials in any other city in Kazakhstan, have approved any requests from feminist groups to conduct public...

Abenov Among Kazakh Deputies Targeting Bride Kidnapping

Kazakhstani parliamentarian Murat Abenov has proposed introducing a specific article in the Criminal Code to criminalize bride theft, suggesting prison terms of up to ten years. While some lawmakers support his initiative, others believe existing laws are sufficient to address such crimes. Proposal to Address Bride Theft According to Abenov, three crimes against women have been recorded this year under Article 125 of the Criminal Code, which covers “Kidnapping.” However, Abenov believes the actual number of such cases is significantly higher. For instance, over the past three years, 214 women filed complaints related to bride theft, but only ten cases went to trial. Abenov has proposed a separate article in the Criminal Code to specifically address bride theft, with penalties designed to reflect the severity of the crime. His proposal includes: A minimum sentence of two years in prison or a fine of 2,000 monthly calculation indices (MCI), equivalent to 7.8 million KZT ($15,000), for kidnapping a woman to force her into marriage; If the abducted woman is under 18, if force is used, or if the crime involves multiple perpetrators, the penalty would increase to a fine of 5,000 MCI (19.6 million KZT or $37,800) or three to five years in prison; and In cases where unintentional harm to the victim’s health occurs during the abduction, the sentence could be up to ten years in prison. "If a woman is held against her will and subjected to psychological or physical pressure, the law must protect the victim," Abenov emphasized, confirming that the proposal has already been submitted to a working group for consideration. Debate Among Lawmakers This is not the first time the issue of bride theft has been raised in Kazakhstan’s parliament. In December 2023, another Mazhilis deputy, Yedil Zhanbyrshin, introduced a similar initiative, which was supported by Mazhilis Speaker Yerlan Koshanov. However, that proposal was not formalized into legislation. Some deputies argue that existing laws, such as Article 125, are sufficient. This article provides for imprisonment of four to seven years for kidnapping, regardless of the victim’s identity. "We already have articles in the Criminal Code addressing illegal detention and kidnapping. I’m not convinced we need to specify that it’s a fiancée. What’s the difference? Whether I kidnap a child, an adult, or a senior citizen, it is already a criminal offense," said MP Aidos Sarim. Bride Theft in Central Asia As The Times of Central Asia previously reported, 18 criminal cases of bride theft were initiated in Kazakhstan in 2023. Six of these cases occurred in the country’s largest city, Almaty, while one was recorded in the capital, Astana. Circumventing the bride price, alyp qashu – “take and flee” - is a ritual form of bride-snatching endemic throughout much of Central Asia. With the Soviets having destroyed swathes of local identity, debate rages as to the ethnographic roots of the practice, but what is certain is that it was on the increase in the 2010s. Most prevalent regionally in Kyrgyzstan, where it is known as Ala...