Middle Powers - The Times Of Central Asia

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Board of Peace

Central Asia and Azerbaijan on Board as the Gaza Peace Effort Gets Underway

As the Trump Administration is trying to drag the world toward the reconstruction of Gaza, an undertaking fraught with security, political, and economic challenges, a gap is emerging between the “old” Europe, skeptical of Trump, and nation-states seeking to expand cooperation with Washington. Central Asian and Caucasian "middle powers" are among the emerging allies in the Trump Administration's latest diplomatic gambit for peace. Kazakhstan took a leadership position as the first Muslim-majority state outside the Middle East to join the Abraham Accords in November 2025. President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, an experienced diplomat, former Foreign Minister, and high-level U.N. official, represented his country at the Board of Peace inauguration during the January 2026 session of the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland. So did Ilham Aliev, President of Azerbaijan, and his First Lady and First Vice President, Mehriban, both of whom met with Trump in Davos. The attendance and participation of leaders of other majority-Muslim states outside the Middle East are also noteworthy. President Shavkat Mirziyoyev of Uzbekistan, Prabowo Subianto of Indonesia, Vjosa Osmani-Sadriu of Kosovo, and Prime Minister Mian Muhammad Shehbaz Sharif of Pakistan signed the Charter on behalf of their respective nations. Those who chose not to participate are equally noteworthy. France, the United Kingdom, Belgium, Portugal, Canada, and Australia, which publicly announced or reaffirmed recognition of a State of Palestine around the U.N. General Assembly in September 2025, each determined not to attend the signing ceremony at Davos, despite the fact that the establishment of the Board was officially welcomed by the UN Security Council in November 2025. This underscores the challenges that will arise as Trump’s Comprehensive Plan to End the Gaza Conflict enters its second phase, which foresees Hamas’ disarmament. Similarly, differences in policy toward Israel among the Muslim-majority countries that signed the Charter speak to the complexity of the Board’s task. Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Azerbaijan have longstanding diplomatic and trade relations with Israel. This contrasts with the complex and often hostile stances of Qatar, long ruled by the Al Thani family, and Turkey under Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, both of which support the Muslim Brotherhood and shelter Hamas terrorists. Then there are countries like Indonesia and Pakistan, which have never had diplomatic relations with Israel. Indonesia, under Subianto, continues to condition recognition of Israel on the creation of a Palestinian state. Pakistan has been officially hostile since its founding, and is particularly fearful of Jerusalem’s increasingly close relations with India, though it does have a history of covert information sharing and unofficial cooperation. Once again, navigating the political agendas and moving the reconstruction project forward will require a multi-dimensional chess game. Nevertheless, the Trump White House is working on the Board of Peace's first meeting, set for February 19th. Currently, there is no official word about whether the leaders of Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan will attend, while other leaders plan to, such as President Aliyev, who just signed a Strategic Partnership Charter during a visit by U.S. Vice President J.D. Vance to Azerbaijan, and PM Nikol Pashinyan of...

Geopolitics

Opinion: Multi-Vectorism 2.0 – Kazakhstan Seeks Balance in a Shifting Geopolitical Landscape

The world is reverting to the logic of bloc confrontation. Sanctions regimes, technological barriers, and deepening mistrust between major powers are compelling medium-sized states to chart independent courses. Kazakhstan stands at the center of this evolving geopolitical matrix. While Moscow remains a vital partner in defense and energy, Astana is simultaneously cultivating strong ties with other global power centers, including China, the U.S., Turkey, the European Union, and the Gulf states. Yet Kazakhstan refuses to align with any single bloc, adhering instead to a strategy of "flexible autonomy", cooperating broadly while preserving its sovereignty. Russia: Alliance with Strategic Boundaries On November 11-12, 2025, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev met with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow. The two leaders signed a declaration on a comprehensive strategic partnership and alliance, reaffirming cooperation on security, energy, and logistics projects. Key discussions included the gasification of border regions, the modernization of energy infrastructure, and the transit of Russian energy via Kazakhstan. Tokayev emphasized Kazakhstan’s interest in a stable and prosperous Russia, calling Putin a “statesman of global stature.” Still, this alignment does not supplant Kazakhstan’s multi-vector policy. The Moscow visit directly followed Tokayev’s talks in Washington, underscoring that Astana views relations with Russia as one of several strategic pillars. The U.S.: Investment and Critical Minerals Diplomacy During Tokayev’s visit to the U.S. in early November 2025, he and President Donald Trump oversaw the signing of 29 agreements totaling approximately $17 billion. The deals spanned industry, energy, digitalization, education, and innovation. Highlights in recent collaboration between Kazakhstan and the U.S. include a $2.5 billion John Deere production facility in Kostanay and Turkestan, a $1.1 billion development of tungsten deposits, and over $1 billion in digital infrastructure cooperation with companies such as Hewlett Packard Enterprise, Oracle, and Starlink. Leading global funds also pledged roughly $1 billion in new investments. These agreements reflect growing trust and a shared commitment to investment-driven, high-tech cooperation. China: Strategic Synergy and Technological Convergence China remains Kazakhstan’s largest trading partner and a cornerstone of its eastern vector. During Tokayev’s October 17, 2023 visit to Beijing, he and President Xi Jinping reaffirmed a “comprehensive strategic partnership” built on political trust and economic cooperation. In June 2025, Xi Jinping visited Astana for the second China-Central Asia Summit, where he and Kassym‑Jomart Tokayev reinforced their countries’ “comprehensive strategic partnership”, oversaw deals spanning energy, infrastructure, agriculture, and digital technology. Later that year, at the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Tianjin, the two leaders used the platform to deepen cooperation within a multilateral framework, promoting connectivity and regional trade under the Belt and Road Initiative. Turkey: Civilizational Ties and Strategic Growth Ties between Kazakhstan and Turkey are underpinned by shared cultural and historical foundations. At the fifth High-Level Strategic Cooperation Council meeting in Ankara on July 29, 2025, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan welcomed Tokayev, reaffirming Turkey’s role as a major investor and educational partner. More than 12,000 Kazakh students are enrolled in Turkish universities. Defense cooperation is expanding under the Organization of Turkic States (OTS), and tourism and...

Middle Powers

Which Central Asian States Qualify as Middle Powers in 2025?

As global power shifts toward multipolarity, Central Asia’s states are emerging as active regional players. This article assesses which of the five republics—Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan—qualify as middle powers in 2025, based on economic strength, diplomatic reach, strategic capacity, and governance. Kazakhstan stands as the region’s only consolidated middle power, balancing fiscal stability, institutional reform, and multi-vector diplomacy. Uzbekistan is a rising aspirant, propelled by reforms but still reliant on external financing and centralized authority. The remaining states remain constrained by dependence and limited institutional depth. Together, they reflect a region increasingly capable of shaping, rather than merely absorbing, global and regional change. A comparative analysis of five Central Asian republics shows how far each has advanced toward this status. 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This article assesses which of the five republics—Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan—qualify as middle powers in 2025, based on economic strength, diplomatic reach, strategic capacity, and governance. Kazakhstan stands as the region’s only consolidated middle power, balancing fiscal stability, institutional reform, and multi-vector diplomacy. Uzbekistan is a rising aspirant, propelled by reforms but still reliant on external financing and centralized authority. The remaining states remain constrained by dependence and limited institutional depth. Together, they reflect a region increasingly capable of shaping, rather than merely absorbing, global and regional change. A comparative analysis of five Central Asian republics shows how far each has advanced toward this status. Economic Power Economic autonomy is a defining attribute of middle-power capability, enabling states to project influence, sustain policy independence, and finance external engagement. In Central Asia, dependence on Official Development Assistance (ODA) and remittances often reflects constrained fiscal capacity and limited domestic capital formation, while diversified, resilient economies underpin strategic autonomy. Key indicators—GDP per capita, credit ratings, debt sustainability, and export diversification—illuminate the region’s economic hierarchy. Kazakhstan stands as Central Asia’s only consolidated economic middle power. Resource-backed growth, a prudent fiscal regime, and a sovereign wealth fund (the National Fund of Kazakhstan) have anchored macroeconomic stability. With a “BBB” credit rating or equivalent from major agencies, Kazakhstan demonstrates sound debt management and policy credibility. Ongoing diversification efforts under the new economic policies—from renewables to financial modernization—aim to reduce hydrocarbon dependence and deepen integration into global supply chains. Its role as a trans-Caspian logistics hub enhances both strategic and commercial influence. Uzbekistan, by contrast, is an emerging frontier market propelled by post-2017 reforms in currency liberalization, taxation, and state-enterprise restructuring. Rapid GDP growth and expanding private-sector activity mark its trajectory toward fiscal autonomy, though continued ODA inflows averaging around $1.1 billion to 1.3 billion annually, primarily from the Asian Development Bank (ADB), the World Bank, and bilateral partners such as Japan, the United States, and the European Union, highlight its residual dependence on external concessional financing. To achieve genuine middle power status, Uzbekistan must roughly double its real economic output over the next decade, a scale of growth aligned with the shift...

Astana Think Tank Forum

Astana Renews Call for Nuclear Dialogue, Global Security Reform

Kazakhstan has reiterated its call for the resumption of high-level dialogue among nuclear powers and a renewed focus on multilateralism to bolster global security. The appeal was made by First Deputy Foreign Minister Yerzhan Ashikbayev during the Astana Think Tank Forum 2025, held on the theme “From Polarization to Partnership: Restoring Trust in the International System.” Ashikbayev reaffirmed Kazakhstan’s support for forming a unified Euro-Atlantic and Eurasian security community and its commitment to contributing to a new international order. “We call for the resumption of dialogue between nuclear powers and a scaling up of multilateral efforts to reduce the threat of weapons of mass destruction. Kazakhstan is committed to making a world without nuclear weapons the key goal of the 21st century,” he said. The forum gathered around 40 international experts from 20 countries, including diplomats, researchers, and heads of leading think tanks. UN Reform and Regional Equity Ashikbayev called for reforming the UN Security Council to ensure broader, more equitable representation for countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. He also highlighted the growing role of “middle powers” in fostering trust and regional stability. “We advocate strict adherence to the UN Charter and a modernized institutional architecture that reflects today’s global challenges, not outdated procedures. Sovereignty, territorial integrity, and peaceful conflict resolution must be upheld universally,” he said. He proposed a new global security framework based on “regional stability as the foundation for global peace,” grounded in international law and multilateral cooperation. Digital Sovereignty and AI Governance In addressing the implications of emerging technologies, Ashikbayev stressed the need for a global regulatory framework for artificial intelligence. “Access to AI must be fair, inclusive, and non-discriminatory. This is not just a technological issue, it’s about digital sovereignty and equitable global development,” he said, affirming Kazakhstan’s readiness to participate in shaping international AI standards. Environmental Diplomacy and Climate Strategy Ashikbayev also emphasized environmental priorities, urging greater international involvement in addressing ecological challenges and protecting shared water resources in the Aral and Caspian Seas. He noted that Kazakhstan plays an active role in the global climate agenda and will host a regional climate summit in Astana in 2026 to advance collective environmental strategies in Central Asia. “Kazakhstan is pursuing carbon neutrality by 2060 through pragmatic steps, including economic diversification and a balanced energy approach. We are expanding renewables while ensuring energy security through traditional sectors,” he said. The Rise of Middle Powers Ashikbayev underscored the rising influence of middle powers in today’s fragmented geopolitical landscape, positioning them as vital mediators and conveners of dialogue. Charles Maclean, founder and managing director of Borderless Consulting Group, echoed this view. “While the spotlight is often on great powers, middle powers are emerging as drivers of constructive reform. Kazakhstan’s growing role and the presence of its leadership on global platforms reflect this new leadership model,” he said. As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, independent studies by Institut Montaigne (France) and the Institute for Security and International Studies (Germany) have both identified Kazakhstan as...

UN General Assembly

Tokayev at the UN Underscores Kazakhstan’s New Diplomacy

Kazakhstan’s international visibility is reaching a peak this late summer and early autumn of 2025. In August, UN Secretary-General António Guterres visited Astana, praising the country’s role as a stabilizing influence in Central Asia and a supporter of multilateral institutions. In a few days, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev will address the UN General Assembly in New York, presenting Kazakhstan as a reliable partner in peacekeeping, sustainable development, and nonproliferation. This upcoming UN speech marks a departure from past appearances, signaling Astana’s intent not only to balance powers but also to set global agendas. Together, these events signify the country’s ascent as a state no longer defined solely by the art of survival between great powers, but one that now seeks to set agendas, convene adversaries, and project norms beyond its borders. This dual UN moment illustrates the broader transformation of Kazakhstan’s foreign policy over the past year: the shift from multi-vector balancing, an inheritance of the Nazarbayev era, toward a more assertive mode of multi-actor entrepreneurship. Framed through the UN stage, Kazakhstan’s diplomacy now aspires to translate regional initiatives into a global narrative. Rather than oscillating between Moscow, Beijing, Brussels, and Washington, Astana has begun to use its accumulated diplomatic capital to initiate, mediate, and institutionalize regional and global frameworks. From Balance to Initiative For three decades after independence, Kazakhstan’s “multi-vector” foreign policy served as a model of survival in a region shaped by the clash of external rivalries. The doctrine emphasized equidistance between Russia, China, and the West, with an overlay of pragmatic economic engagement. In practice, this often meant leveraging one relationship to offset pressure from another while securing steady inflows of trade and investment. Today, however, the war in Ukraine, the erosion of European security, and the sharper contest between Beijing and Washington have undermined the viability of simple balancing. In response, Tokayev’s government has shifted its approach, seeking to overlay a more agenda-setting dynamic on multi-vectorism by positioning Kazakhstan as a regional hub for diplomacy and connectivity. At the UN, this shift might be presented as Kazakhstan’s evolution from passive survival to a more proactive approach to international diplomacy. Astana’s task is to transform such declarations into a durable strategy. Central Asia and the South Caucasus The clearest evidence of Kazakhstan’s new role comes from Central Asia itself. Relations with Uzbekistan, once characterized by rivalry, have been recast as a cornerstone of functional regionalism. Over the past twelve months, Astana and Tashkent have concluded demarcation agreements, expanded electricity grid interconnections, and coordinated positions on water resource management. The consultative meetings of Central Asian leaders, which Kazakhstan has championed, now serve as regularized platforms for joint initiatives, from infrastructure to practical economic integration, with attempts to reduce Russian and Chinese influence. At the UN, this shift may be framed as Kazakhstan’s evolution from mere survival to actively pioneering new approaches in international diplomacy. For Kazakhstan, the partnership with Uzbekistan provides buffering against external pressure and multiplies regional influence. Astana has also made use of the UN Regional Centre...

President Tokayev: Kazakhstan Charts Its Own Course

In a rare, candid interview with Al Jazeera, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev of Kazakhstan projected a steady, pragmatic vision for his country’s future, portraying it as a stabilizing force amid turbulent global currents. Tokayev explained how his government is navigating complex pressures at home and abroad, from economic modernization and digital transformation to balancing ties with Russia, China, Europe, and the United States. The message was one of controlled ambition: Kazakhstan will not be rushed, but rather steer a measured course of reform and integration, balancing domestic stability with global engagement. Tokayev opened the interview by acknowledging the obstacles facing Kazakhstan’s domestic reforms, notably the global pandemic and the war in Ukraine. These external shocks, he explained, have tested the country’s resilience and delayed the delivery of the “New Kazakhstan” that he promised three years ago. Yet he remained firm in his commitment to a gradual but determined path forward. “We must be frank, we must be pragmatic, but at the same time we need to be very much bold,” he said. Domestically, Tokayev defended his record on political reform, including the legalization of opposition parties and the introduction of a one-term presidency of seven years. “I have already announced that I will step down” in 2029, he said, adding that this was “a demand of my people.” This latter move is unprecedented in the region. Tokayev characterized Kazakhstan’s laws as “quite democratic,” dismissing criticisms from organizations like the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe and Human Rights Watch as biased and detached from the country’s political and historical context. "I don't believe that we should follow recommendations of human rights organizations nowadays," he said, also mentioning foreign funders behind certain NGOs, which he left unnamed. Acknowledging the need for further reforms, particularly in media freedom and civil liberties, Tokayev made clear that stability remains the overriding priority. “Without stability, there will be no reforms, no modernization, no transformation of our society,” he said. Tokayev emphasized Kazakhstan's commitment to a “law and order” strategy to promote greater stability, where the laws fully comply with international standards. Tokayev's remarks on measured progress typify his leadership style, which admits the complexity of transformation while setting pragmatic goals. His program of a “fair and just Kazakhstan” reflects his awareness of domestic discontent with wealth disparities that simmer beneath the surface of economic expansion. The country's economy remains dominated by hydrocarbon fuels, which account for over half of exports. Tokayev’s vision of transforming Kazakhstan into a “non-hydrocarbon country” by 2060 strikes a pragmatic note. “Coal in our domestic energy balance accounts for 73%. We cannot give up coal just overnight,” he said, signaling both realism and the limits of immediate energy transition. The diversification of transport routes — including the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route (the Middle Corridor) and the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline — aligns with his goal of mitigating overdependence on Russia and ensuring economic security amid global uncertainty. Tokayev’s foreign policy strikes a careful balance between continuity and adaptation. While acknowledging Kazakhstan’s reliance on...