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Kyrgyz Security Chief Declares Crackdown on Organized Crime a Success

Kamchybek Tashiyev, the head of Kyrgyzstan’s State Committee for National Security (SCNS), declared that organized criminal groups (OCGs) have almost been eradicated nationally. Speaking at a press conference in Bishkek, Tashiyev highlighted significant achievements in the fight against organized crime. According to Tashiyev, property valued at 50 billion Kyrgyzstani som (KGS) has been recovered for the state budget as part of ongoing anti-crime efforts. Among the confiscated assets are those belonging to prominent figures in the criminal underworld, such as Kamchy Kolbayev, Kadyr Dosonov, Chyngyz Jumagulov, and Erkin Mambetaliyev. “A lot of property has been seized. Several boarding houses and sports complexes have already been sold,” Tashiyev stated. He also added that organized criminal groups have lost their influence and resources, asserting that Kyrgyz citizens can now work without fear. Kyrgyzstan’s government has intensified its campaign against organized crime. Key figures, including notorious crime boss Kamchy Kolbayev, have been detained or eliminated. Following these measures, several criminal leaders have publicly renounced their past and pledged to comply with the law. The Kyrgyz Interior Ministry has drafted the law “On the Prevention of Organized Crime” to establish a legal framework for combatting OCGs. This proposed legislation outlines preventive measures such as official warnings and financial audits for individuals suspected of criminal activity. While applauding the government’s efforts, some experts warn of potential negative consequences. Political scientist Aida Alymbayeva stressed that anti-crime initiatives must strictly adhere to legal procedures to avoid infringing on citizens' rights. Similarly, Doctor of Economics Asylbek Ayupov added that property seizures and arrests could impact tax revenues and harm Kyrgyzstan’s investment climate.

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Fear Returns to Tajikistan’s Konibodom Area

A series of murders in spring had residents in the area around Tajikistan’s northern city of Konibodom on edge for weeks. Thirteen people were killed between late March and late May, apparently by someone who broke into their homes at night. The victims ages ranged from young children to elderly people; they were ethnic Tajiks and Kyrgyz (Konibodom is located near the border with Kyrgyzstan), and the crimes happened in different areas around the city. The murders stopped, and later the Tajik authorities said they had captured the suspects, but on December 9, the nightmare started again with six people being killed, and on December 16, four more people were found dead in their homes. The Killing Starts Again On December 9, the bodies of six people were found in the Shurkurgon neighborhood of Konibodom. All six were members of the Nematov family. Thirty-seven-year-old Naimjon was found hanged on a tree in the courtyard of the family’s home. His body showed signs of a struggle. His 33-year-old wife and four children, the youngest only two years old, were all strangled inside the family’s home. Local authorities and police have not commented on the killings. On December 16, reports said the bodies of 35-year-old Gaibullo Majidov and his 28-year-old wife Zarnigor were found in their home in Konibodom’s Hisorak neighborhood. Their three children were reportedly unharmed. On the same day in the same neighborhood, the bodies of 70-year-old Oyisha Shokirova and her 44-year-old son Javlon were found. Reports said all appeared to have died violent deaths, but the exact cause was not given. Police have also not commented on these murders. Prior to these latest killings, it appeared the police had caught at least some of the people responsible for a wave of murders in the spring that had local residents talking about “men in black” who prowled the streets in the middle of the night. The Authorities’ Version On July 31, Konibodom Mayor Abdusalom Tukhtasunzoda said a suspect had been caught for the May 28-29 killings of six people in the village of Sanjidzor, on the outskirts of Konibodom. Tukhtasunzoda did not give any details about the suspect or the motive, except to say the person had been detained the week before. The Konibodom mayor said the murders in May were not connected to the earlier killings of five members of the Sharipov family in March, or to Muzaffar Urmonov and his wife Inoyat Urmanova in April. Tukhtasunzoda also dismissed the tales being told of men dressed in black clothing and masks being responsible for any of the murders. “There were no people ‘in black’ in the city of Konibodom,” Tukhtasunzoda said, “The video, which is distributed on social networks, was not filmed in Konibodom. Such footage is being circulated to frighten people.” On August 8, First Deputy Interior Minister Abdurahmon Alamshozoda told a press conference the was “nothing sensational” about the murders in Konibodom the previous spring. Alamshozoda said the incidents in March and April were the...

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Activist in Exile: Tajikistan Pressures Family Over Political Dissent

Mahmadsobir Abdukakhor, an activist associated with the banned Group 24 in Tajikistan, has accused law enforcement agencies in the Rasht District of pressuring his family. According to Abdukahkhor, authorities are demanding that his relatives persuade him to renounce his political activities and return to Tajikistan. “They came to my parents and brother, demanding that they convince me to return and ask for forgiveness from the authorities. But my parents are not responsible for my actions,” Abdukahkhor told Radio Ozodi on December 16. Abdukahkhor stated that such tactics are not new but reaffirmed that he would not stop his political activities or “repent,” as he does not trust the authorities’ assurances. “If I go back, I will either be killed like Umarali Kuwwatov or arrested like Sukhrob Zafar,” he said, referring to other opposition figures. Attempts by Radio Ozodi to obtain comments from Rasht District law enforcement agencies were unsuccessful. Tajik authorities have placed Mahmadsobir Abdukahkhor and other members of Group 24 — a political movement recognized as an extremist organization and banned in the country — on a wanted list. Abdukahkhor initially moved to Russia in 2012, where he ran a business and became involved in the movement before relocating to Europe. In 2014, Tajikistan amended its Criminal Code, allowing individuals accused of extremism to be exonerated if they return and “sincerely repent.” President Emomali Rahmon instructed law enforcement agencies to facilitate the return of such citizens. However, human rights activists claim that despite promises of amnesty, some returnees — including former members of ISIS and the Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikistan (IRP) — were subsequently arrested and imprisoned.

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More Than Half of Uzbeks View Nepotism as a Corruption Problem

According to the United Nations, corruption costs developing countries approximately $1.26 trillion annually. Since 2016, Uzbekistan has undertaken significant reforms to combat corruption, including the establishment of the Anti-Corruption Agency, the simplification of public services, and the full digitalization of public procurement systems. A recent study conducted by Uzbekistan's Anti-Corruption Agency, the United Nations Development Programme, and the Anti-Corruption and Civil Rights Commission of the Republic of Korea sheds light on public attitudes toward corruption. The study used surveys, focus groups, and expert interviews, covering all 14 regions of Uzbekistan and gathering responses from 503 participants. Key Findings The study revealed that public understanding of corruption in Uzbekistan often focuses on bribery and nepotism. Over half of respondents identified abuse of office and nepotism as corrupt practices. However, less than 40% considered valuable gifts a form of corruption, with many viewings them as gestures of gratitude rather than bribes. While bribery is widely condemned - 88.4% of respondents disapproved of it - attitudes toward small gifts for good service were more lenient. Sectors Most Affected The study highlighted the sectors most susceptible to corruption: Healthcare and Education: Particularly in higher education. Local Governance: Frequent opportunities for misuse of authority. Traffic Safety Services, Internal Affairs, Roads, and Construction: Identified as high-risk areas, with rural residents particularly concerned about corruption in road construction. Reporting Corruption Despite witnessing corrupt practices, few respondents report such behavior to authorities. Among respondents: Men: 79.2% were slightly more willing to report corruption than women (70.4%). Women: Showed greater interest in using mobile applications or online portals for reporting (85.2% versus 79.2% of men). Persons with Disabilities: Reported corruption less frequently, but expressed a high willingness to use online tools if made accessible. Trust in Anti-Corruption Institutions Trust in anti-corruption institutions varied significantly: Urban Residents: Trusted the media (20.3%) and bloggers (17.3%) more than rural residents. Rural Residents: Had higher trust in the Anti-Corruption Agency (21.4%). Persons with Disabilities: Showed trust in the Anti-Corruption Agency, media, and bloggers. General Public: Less than 5% said they trust no one to address corruption. Moving Forward The findings suggest that while public awareness of corruption is growing, attitudes toward certain practices, such as gift-giving, remain complex. Efforts to increase transparency, provide accessible reporting tools, and build trust in anti-corruption institutions are critical to further reducing corruption in Uzbekistan.

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Tinker, Tailor, Kazakh Ties: UK Spy Trial Reveals Moscow’s Long Shadow in Kazakh Politics

London's Central Criminal Court, known as the Old Bailey, is currently hearing the trial of several Bulgarian nationals accused by the British authorities of spying for Russia’s intelligence services. The case is likely being scrutinized not only in Moscow but also in Astana, as at least two of the six alleged operations relate to Kazakhstan. A Favor for Nazarbayev The defendants, five Bulgarian citizens, are accused of planning six espionage operations, one of which centers around Bergey Ryskaliyev, a former senior Kazakh official during the presidency of Nursultan Nazarbayev.The accused filmed Ryskaliyev in his London home and plotted to alternately dress up as DHL or Deliveroo drivers, or use a fake ambulance as a cover to access his premises. Ryskaliyev served as akim of the oil-rich Atyrau region from 2006 to 2012, before leaving Kazakhstan amid serious corruption allegations. Both he and his brother Amanzhan - an ex-deputy of the Mazhilis - have been wanted in their homeland for over a decade, facing charges of large-scale corruption, organized crime, false entrepreneurship, and money laundering. Public opinion in Kazakhstan attributes the Ryskaliyev brothers’ prosecution to their alleged involvement in the December 2011 Zhanaozen uprising. According to reports, the uprising was intended to culminate in Nazarbayev’s resignation through a symbolic “march to Astana.” By the summer of 2012, Nazarbayev seemed wary of Ryskaliyev, publicly thanking him for his service during a visit to Atyrau. Shortly after, Ryskaliyev resigned for "health reasons,” while Amanzhan stepped down as a Mazhilis deputy. The brothers remained in hiding for years, with their lawyers claiming in a 2019 trial that their whereabouts were unknown. However, reports later surfaced that Ryskaliyev had filmed and leaked a video of Nazarbayev in London’s Hyde Park, allegedly using it to blackmail the former president. Ryskaliyev denied this, characterizing his actions as a “small rally” outside Nazarbayev’s residence. Despite these allegations, Kazakhstan’s Supreme Court ruled in 2020 to return some of Ryskaliyev’s confiscated assets, including land, money, and shares in various companies, and to reverse property seizures which had affected their spouses. Prosecutors in the London trial allege that Ryskaliyev’s case was part of an operation to foster stronger ties between Moscow and Astana, with Russia suggesting that Kazakhstan might benefit from pursuing him. If accurate, this initiative likely predated January 2022, when Nazarbayev retained significant influence despite stepping down as president. Targeting Tokayev? The second alleged operation appears to have been directed at Kazakhstan’s current president, Kassym-Jomart Tokayev. Prosecutors claim the defendants planned a staged protest outside Kazakhstan’s embassy in London in September 2022, intending to pass information about the “organizers” to the Kazakh authorities. This, they argue, was another effort to bolster Russian-Kazakh relations. However, details reported by Germany’s Der Spiegel suggest a more specific objective. According to the report, the FSB instructed the operatives to stage a protest and send a letter to European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, ostensibly from a fabricated group critical of Tokayev. Plans also included splashing fake blood or pig’s blood on the...

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Uzbek Government Files Criminal Case Against Citizen Over Jihadi Activities in Syria

The Uzbek Ministry of Internal Affairs has instigated a criminal case against Khudoyor Nuriddinov, also known as Abu Walid, who is accused of being a member of an international terrorist organization. The announcement was made via the ministry’s press service. Born in 1994 in the Rishtan district of Ferghana, Nuriddinov faces multiple charges under Uzbekistan’s Criminal Code, including: Article 155-2: Training or travel for the purpose of terrorist activities, Article 159: Undermining the constitutional order of Uzbekistan, Article 223: Illegal travel abroad or entry into Uzbekistan, Article 244-2: Creation, management, or participation in extremist, separatist, or banned organizations. According to the authorities, Nuriddinov left for Russia in 2016 as a labor migrant, where he became influenced by international terrorist ideologies. He later traveled to Idlib, Syria, where he engaged in propaganda activities. The Uzbek authorities report that his actions led to the deaths of several Uzbek citizens who were recruited and killed in fighting in Syria. Nuriddinov continues to promote jihad through social networks and YouTube, giving a religious pretext for his activities. His accounts and pages are banned in Uzbekistan, and those found storing, distributing, or transporting his content face legal action.