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Celebrating Russian Orthodox Easter in Central Asia: A Fusion of Traditions and Cultures

Russian Orthodox Easter, known as Pascha, is one of the most significant and joyously celebrated holidays among Russian communities worldwide, including those residing in the diverse tapestry of Central Asia. This celebration, deeply rooted in religious traditions, brings a unique blend of spiritual solemnity and communal festivities that stand out amidst the landscapes of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. The Heart of Russian Orthodox Easter The essence of Russian Orthodox Easter lies in its adherence to the Julian calendar, which often sets the celebration on a different date from Easter observed by Western Christian churches following the Gregorian calendar. The focal point of this celebration is the resurrection of Jesus Christ, a moment of immense spiritual rejoicing and the culmination of the Holy Week, preceded by the Great Lent, a period of fasting and penitence. Easter Traditions Transcending Borders In Central Asia, Russian Orthodox communities maintain their rich cultural heritage through distinctive Easter traditions. The ritual foods - Kulich, a tall, sweet yeast bread, and Paskha, a cheese dessert shaped into a pyramid to symbolize the Tomb of Christ, are central to the celebration. Eggs, painted in vibrant colors with a predominance of red, symbolize new life and hope, serving as both decorative items and gifts exchanged among friends and family. Easter Eve is marked by a solemn service that extends into the early hours of Sunday. The service begins in pitch darkness, symbolizing the tomb's interior. At midnight, churches and homes alike are filled with light and joyous exclamations of "Christ is Risen!" to which the response is "Indeed He is Risen!" This exchange, sometimes accompanied by threefold kisses, underscores the communal and inclusive spirit of Easter celebrations. A Celebration Amidst Diversity Despite the predominantly Muslim backdrop of Central Asia, the observance of Russian Orthodox Easter across the region is a testament to the religious freedoms and interfaith harmony that prevails. Local authorities and communities accommodate and respect these celebrations, making way for processions, services, and the public sharing of Easter foods and greetings. The open expression of such traditions fosters a sense of unity and mutual respect among the region's mosaic of cultures and religions. Cultural Fusion and Community Russian Orthodox communities in Central Asia not only preserve their traditions but also open avenues for cultural exchange. Easter festivities often see a blend of local and Russian customs, creating a rich, multicultural celebration. From the blessing of Easter baskets in churches to community gatherings and charitable acts, the essence of Easter - renewal and hope - resonates across diverse landscapes. Conclusion Russian Orthodox Easter in Central Asia is a testament to the enduring spirit of faith and community beyond geographical and cultural boundaries. It exemplifies how deeply-held religious traditions can coexist and flourish amidst diversity, bringing people together in celebration of shared values of rebirth, joy, and eternal hope. In the heart of Central Asia, Easter remains a vibrant and unifying force, showcasing the beauty of cultural convergence and the universal message of peace and renewal inherent...

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Divisive Forces Prompt Tokayev’s “National Unity” Message

At the 32nd session of the Assembly of the People of Kazakhstan, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev promoted peace and harmony as the state ideology and impressed on “national unity” by referring to all citizens of his country as Kazakhs regardless of their ethnic, linguistic or religious affiliation. “Society should not be divided on these grounds”, Tokayev said. Kazakhstan, a predominantly Muslim nation where Christians make up nearly 25% of the population, constitutes a genuine melting pot housing 131 different ethnicities. Such diversity can positively fuel innovation by merging different perspectives and create complex problem-solving methods. But it can also turn into a vulnerability when differences are manipulated to divide communities to gain political advantage. The Assembly of the People of Kazakhstan was established in 1995 to mitigate such risks and foster social harmony in the country. Forces of division The President's latest statements draw attention to what the country perceives as threats to its national unity, which also reverberate elsewhere in the world, including corruption, malign foreign influence, and disinformation. It is difficult to ascertain whether foreign-backed political activities are genuinely aimed at enhancing the human condition in a country or are instead trying to undermine the state's stability to advance the agendas of other states or individuals. Worryingly for Kazakhstan, a survey of whom many of the well-known political activists are affiliated with shows that they have not grown organically from the country’s civil society ecosystem. Instead, they are often funded by foreign states, NGOs and/or oligarchs. This represents a complex scenario that should alarm true defenders of democracy and human rights. Firstly, the entrenched oligarchy formed under former President Nazarbayev’s thirty-year reign presents a challenge to the current leadership’s efforts to tackle corruption, kleptocracy and disinformation. These powerful business elites, who largely control the economy and media, resist any efforts to curtail their reach and influence. The government’s anti-corruption initiatives and asset recovery efforts are seen as direct threats to their wealth and dominance. Secondly, foreign actors see Kazakhstan’s strategic value in the renewed Cold War between Russia and the West. While Kazakhstan’s official and clear position has been one of neutrality, foreign-backed grassroots movements and misinformation campaigns have aimed to move society to take one side or another in this somewhat bipolar battle. The convergence of these domestic and international pressures forms a formidable challenge that threatens to compromise Kazakhstan's sovereignty and the welfare of its citizens. The oligarchs, mainly fearing repatriation of their assets hidden abroad through the recovery efforts of the country’s new leadership, could be inclined to support state-led polarization efforts to weaken the government, thus further intensifying the threat to Kazakhstan's peace and stability. The evolution of the Kazakh ideology The development of Kazakhstan's national identity has been in the works since its independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, and has intensified as the country became a focal point for foreign powers seeking influence in 2022. This broader statehood identity celebrates Kazakhstan's history and diversity. President Tokayev appears to be leading...

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Military in Kazakhstan Head Back to Bases After Working to Contain Floods

Kazakh military units that deployed to help with flood control measures in the past weeks are returning to their barracks as the crisis that hit large parts of the country winds down. “Due to the stabilization of the situation and the drop in water levels, some of the personnel and military equipment of the armed forces are returning to their permanent deployment points from the West Kazakhstan, North Kazakhstan and Akmola regions,” Ruslan Zhangulin, spokesman for the Defense Ministry, said on Monday. About 2,200 military personnel and 16 pieces of military equipment were involved in flood control as of Saturday, according to Zhangulin. The military was involved in evacuations and building barriers to prevent water flows during the flooding, which began in March and forced the evacuation of more than 100,000 people as winter snow melted with the arrival of warmer temperatures. Nearly 40,000 have since returned to their homes. President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev described the floods as Kazakhstan’s worst natural disaster in 80 years.

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A View from the Rally in Prague in Support of Saltanat Nukenova

On Sunday, 21 April in the center of Prague on Wenceslas Square, some 200 people attended a rally in memory of Saltanat Nukenova and in protest against violence against women. The event took place against the backdrop of the trial of former Kazakh minister, Kuandyk Bishimbayev, who is accused of torturing and murdering Saltanat Nukenova, with whom he was bound in a common-law marriage. In an interview with The Times of Central Asia, Aruzhan, one of the organizers, described the various problems encountered by the team, beginning with the hostile criticism expressed by many young hecklers with little or no knowledge of the situation. “We were bombarded with comments like, ‘Kazakhstan has enough problems;’ ‘Why didn't you come out for the floods?’, ‘Only one person died,’ and so on. It was both frustrating and unpleasant to see that side of our young people but I think, and hope, that the rally woke some of them up and changed their minds.There were also those in Saltanat Ushin's group who twice expressed their ‘valuable opinion’ and provoked quarrels between the participants." Image: Asel Kamiyeva Despite a statement issued by the Foreign Ministry of Kazakhstan that it was happy for its youth to speak out, there was a marked absence of support from the embassy. Aruzhan said it was disappointing, but nowhere near as bad as what happened in Tbilisi, where during a similar rally the Kazakh embassy had openly threatened and called in the organizers. Aruzhan explained that officials had accused the organizers of acting in defiance of the embassy, and, whilst logging their details, told them they should be ashamed and focus instead on other problems. She said that they been repeatedly told, "the law's already been passed, so calm down.” “In every city where a rally was held, the embassy behaved in this way, even after the Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a statement claiming they supported our action and were happy for us to express our position." Aruzhan described an incident which illustrated that a close eye was being kept on proceedings: "Before the rally, a large car arrived on site. Intimidating-looking men leapt out, made a quick assessment of the number of people gathered, and drove off. They spoke in Russian and Kazakh." Image: Asel Kamiyeva Another challenge facing the organizers, was the lack of media support. "The groups to which I made initial announcements about the rally deleted my posts, explaining that they had 'cultural content that does not concern politics'. It was funny and sad to read this; funny that we are perceived not to touch politics, and sad that they are so shaken by it. In Istanbul, the embassy scared people so much that they gave up the idea of going to the rally. At our rally, we shot reportage that came out more like a social video. Not a single media outlet picked it up. I think that says a lot about how censorship works. So we turned to bloggers, Russian-speaking media...

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The Art of Words: Writer Andrei Orlov Discusses the Development of Kazakhstan’s Literary Industry

Andrei Orlov is an acclaimed writer who has actively influenced the development of Kazakhstan’s literature through the creation of a community of writers and the organization of cultural events. In this interview, he offers his perspective of how the art of the written word shapes a nation’s cultural heritage and stimulates the development of its literary scene. How do you view the contemporary Kazakhstani literary scene? What changes and trends have been noticeable in recent years? I've been in the industry for seven years and have witnessed a lot of changes. Many authors have finally realized that their craft is not limited to printed books and are slowly moving online and exploring specialized digital products. The stereotypical view that samizdat is bad has almost been erased. Conservative writers are still of the opinion that if they want to publish, they should only do so under the auspices of a publishing house. But in our country where supply does not meet demand, samizdat offers an excellent means of embarking on your creative path. I know many authors who have self-published and then, after the first or even third book, received offers from publishing houses. Literature is changing in general. More and more people are writing about things they really care about and understand. For example, over the last 3-4 years, business literature has significantly increased; something I consider a great achievement for the country. What are the main challenges facing Kazakhstani writers today? The challenge is not to die! But jesting aside, there are many difficulties faced by contemporary authors. As I said, there are now far fewer publishing houses in the country, which means that authors must do everything themselves: writing, editing, design, illustration, layout, presentation, promotion. Some tasks are obviously passed to specialists, but these are all issues which many authors are ill-equipped to resolve. We also want our books to provide income or at least, recoup costs. Unfortunately, that rarely happens especially the first-time round. And here we come back to the problem about which I talk non-stop: a writer must treat his project (book) like a business. Otherwise, things are hard. People in Kazakhstan are still unused to reading their writers. It was a similar case with music, when earlier on, there was prejudice against domestic music producers. But once they proved their quality and, in a sense, turned the whole market upside down, listeners began to engage. The same thing should happen with literature. Does the Kazakhstani writing environment reflect contemporary social, cultural and political changes in the country? No, rather than yes. Few authors write on such topics. They are a hundred percent afraid to write about politics. Only a few can afford to do so. I recently published a collection of poetry and under the auspices of our club, organized a contest and selected works. A series of poems on a political theme was submitted. Devoid of any harsh criticism, it was more akin to satire. Our editors, however, were afraid...

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Kazakhstan Likely To Insist on Revisions to Kashagan Oil Contracts

Kazakhstan is demanding compensation for lost profits from the North Caspian Operating Company (NCOC), the consortium that manages the Kashagan oil field, and arbitration claims have risen to $150 billion. Sources close to Kashagan told The Times of Central Asia that this should send the message to western energy companies that Kazakhstan is looking to revise previously signed contracts. While Bloomberg has reported the sum of the claims, citing people familiar with the matter, Kazakh government officials have declined to comment on the situation, claiming that it is a "commercial dispute." In April 2023, proceedings against the companies developing the Kashagan and Karachaganak fields began as part of a dispute over cost deductions from oil-sale proceeds of more than $13 billion and $3.5 billion, respectively. An additional $138 billion claim relates to the calculation of the cost of oil production "that was promised to the government but not delivered by the field developers," according to Bloomberg. The Ministry of Energy has not yet commented on the new claims. It states that the Kazakh authorities seek to maximize profits from their oil-production projects with the participation of foreign investors, but have been relatively flexible in previous disputes with oil corporations. International sources note that Eni, Shell, Exxon and TotalEnergies have already invested around $55 billion in Kashagan, and currently the field produces about 400,000 barrels of oil per day. NCOC investors, led by Italy's Eni, are convinced that production can be increased to 1.5 million barrels per day. NCOC has stated that it acts in strict compliance with the contract. Representatives of Eni confirmed that the Kazakh authorities have applied to the court for arbitration settlement, but did not disclose details. Earlier, Kazakhstan won a lawsuit against the Kashagan consortium which required them to pay $5.1 billion for damage to the environment. Kashagan is developed by the NCOC consortium, which includes the national company KazMunayGas (KMG) and several foreign energy companies: Eni, Shell (Great Britain), ExxonMobil (USA), Total (France), Inpex (Japan), and CNPC (China). Member of the Public Council of the Kazakh Ministry of Energy, Olzhas Baidildinov believes that the sharp increase in the amount of the lawsuit is a signal from the Kazakh side to the consortium to revise the contracts. "In my opinion, it's obvious that Kazakhstan wants to revise the terms of work on large consortia. At the same time, I have proposed many times to exchange the frozen assets of the Russian Federation for stakes in major projects: Tengiz, Karachaganak and Kashagan. There is a nuance here: for example, the shares in Karachaganak and Kashagan are managed by PSA LLP, which is determined by the authorized body, while the share in Tengiz is managed by KazMunayGas. As we see, on Kashagan and Karachaganak there are arbitration claims filed in international arbitration, there is an environmental issue - but on Tengiz they are silent for some reason. This is either KMG's unprofessionalism, because the amount of investment expense is very high, or some other unknown issues that need...