International Affairs - The Times Of Central Asia

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Opinion: China–Central Asia Partnership – Seeking Opportunity in a World of Uncertainty

Leaders from China and the five Central Asian countries will gather in Astana on Monday, two years after their inaugural summit in the Chinese city of Xi’an. However, as Chinese President Xi Jinping has often noted, “Our world is undergoing profound changes unseen in a century." The geopolitical landscape is markedly different from that of their first meeting, with both China and the Central Asian nations now facing a world of increasing uncertainty. In April, foreign ministers from China and the Central Asian countries convened in Almaty, Kazakhstan, where Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi expressed concern over the rising tide of protectionism and unilateralism. He criticized the United States for launching a tariff war against more than 180 countries, saying it undermines international trade and destabilizes the global economy. Wang reaffirmed China’s commitment to openness. “China will consistently promote a high degree of openness, share opportunities with the world, and take responsibility for upholding international norms,” he said. Wang’s remarks were echoed by the Central Asian representatives, who voiced strong support for China’s vision of building a “community with a shared future” and pledged to deepen cooperation under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Kazakhstan’s Foreign Minister Murat Nurtleu, said that China and Central Asian nations have set clear guidelines for collaboration in trade, energy, transport and logistics, education, and science. The ties between China and Central Asia stretch back to the ancient Silk Road camel caravans that carried not only goods but also cultures. At the first China-Central Asia summit in Xi’an, Chinese President Xi said: “Back in 2013, I put forward the initiative of jointly building a Silk Road Economic Belt during my first visit to Central Asia as Chinese president.” Like an echo of millennia past, the ancient Silk Road now finds its modern expression through connectivity and cooperation. In May, the first tourist train linking the Chinese city of Xi’an and Almaty, the largest city in Kazakhstan, made its inaugural journey. Also in May, Kyrgyzstan’s State Civil Aviation Agency reached an agreement with Chinese aviation authorities to open a new air route to the Chinese city of Kashgar. As part of the Air Silk Road initiative, this will become the second direct air link between Central Asia and Western China. [caption id="attachment_32911" align="aligncenter" width="1179"] The first tourist train between Xi'an and Almaty; image: CGTN[/caption] This is in addition to a key milestone in the China–Kyrgyzstan–Uzbekistan railway project. In April, construction began on a 12-kilometer tunnel in Kyrgyzstan’s Jalal-Abad region. At the groundbreaking ceremony, Kyrgyz Deputy Chairman of the Cabinet of Ministers, Bakyt Torobayev, stated: “This project is not only of infrastructural importance. It paves the way for improved quality of life, economic growth, and stronger ties between regions and peoples.” [caption id="attachment_32913" align="aligncenter" width="1179"] China–Kyrgyzstan–Uzbekistan railway; image: CGTN[/caption] Beyond infrastructure, Kyrgyzstan is working to integrate with China’s banking payment system. A significant step was taken during a recent meeting in Beijing, where the finance ministers of both countries agreed to establish financial infrastructure for cross-border settlements...

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Joint Military Exercises to Strengthen Ties Between Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Pakistan, Turkey, and Uzbekistan

News sources in Azerbaijan citing the Ministry of Defense of the Republic report that five nations, Azerbaijan, Turkey, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and Pakistan, are set to participate in a significant joint military exercise, signaling a coordinated effort to enhance military cooperation, strengthen regional security, and bolster strategic partnerships among the participating countries. Scheduled to take place in September, the Eternal Brotherhood-IV multinational exercise highlights the growing collaboration in defense and security among these countries, which share common geopolitical and strategic interests. Purpose and Objectives The forthcoming exercises aim to improve interoperability among the armed forces of Azerbaijan, Turkey, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and Pakistan. The participating nations - each with their unique military capabilities - are seeking to tackle evolving security challenges such as terrorism, regional instability, and transnational threats. Joint maneuvers will include combat training, search-and-rescue operations, sharing tactical expertise, and honing operational coordination in various combat scenarios. Geopolitical Significance The joint exercises underscore a shared commitment to regional peace and stability at a time of shifting dynamics in global geopolitics. With Central and South Asia witnessing challenges such as the ongoing threats from militant groups, border conflicts, and the need for safeguarding vital trade and energy routes, these drills offer participating nations the opportunity to showcase unity and resilience. As a NATO member, Turkey brings extensive military experience and technological support to the table, while Pakistan has counterterrorism expertise. Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, with their strategic positions in Central Asia, bring a regional focus to the exercises, ensuring operational relevancy in the heart of Asia. Azerbaijan, meanwhile, is eager to strengthen ties with regional and global partners after its recent military successes. These exercises also send a clear message of the countries’ commitment to multilateral defense strategies to any external adversaries seeking to exploit regional vulnerabilities. A Broader Vision for Partnership The exercises will serve as a platform to test state-of-the-art defense technologies, develop combined operational strategies, and examine responses to scenarios involving asymmetric warfare and hybrid threats. For participating nations, it is an opportunity to refine their respective military tactics and elevate their personnel's proficiency by working alongside allies. Furthermore, the drills are expected to solidify political and military relationships among the nations, extending cooperation beyond defense into economic and strategic realms. By aligning priorities and enhancing mutual trust, the exercises could pave the way for future joint programs and initiatives aimed at fostering long-term collaboration. Such initiatives are especially relevant in the context of securing critical infrastructure projects like transnational pipelines and trade corridors. The joint military exercises are part of ongoing efforts to deepen relationships across Eurasia and South Asia through defense diplomacy. They reflect a broader vision of building an integrated regional security framework while respecting the sovereignty and unique needs of each nation involved. For the participating countries, the exercises are a strategic step toward achieving a stable and cooperative future in an increasingly uncertain global landscape.

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Bulgarian Ports Eye Middle Corridor Expansion

Kazakhstan and Bulgaria are exploring the integration of Bulgaria's Black Sea ports of Burgas and Varna into the Trans-Caspian International Transport Corridor (TITC), a move that could significantly expand the reach of this crucial East-West trade route. The Trans-Caspian International Transport Route (TITR), also known as the "Middle Corridor," has been operational since 2017, connecting China, Kazakhstan, the Caspian Sea, Azerbaijan, Georgia, and ultimately, European countries. This multimodal corridor facilitates containerized cargo transport by rail and sea, primarily utilizing the Caspian Sea for maritime crossings. Spanning 11,000 kilometers, the route saw a substantial increase in cargo volume last year, reaching 4.5 million tons compared to 2.76 million tons the previous year. Astana anticipates further growth, projecting an annual freight traffic volume of 10 million tons on the TITR by 2028. This expansion is part of a broader strategy to broaden the Middle Corridor's geographical scope. The potential inclusion of Bulgarian ports was a key topic during Bulgarian President Rumen Radev's official visit to Kazakhstan. "Today, the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route has become one of the main international highways. We have agreed to consider the inclusion of the Bulgarian ports of Burgas and Varna in this corridor," stated Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, following talks with Radev. The discussions culminated in a ceremony where heads of state exchanged signed bilateral documents, including a memorandum of understanding between the Ministry of Transport of Kazakhstan and the Ministry of Transport and Communications of Bulgaria, focusing on the development of the TITR. Radev expressed optimism about the deepened cooperation. "I am confident that the talks will give new impetus to our cooperation. The signed memorandum on the further development of the Trans-Caspian Corridor is a reflection of our aspirations. It is necessary to make the most of the strategic geographical position of Kazakhstan and Bulgaria on this route, which connects Asia with Europe," he said. Later, at the Kazakhstan-Bulgaria Business Forum, Tokayev reiterated the target of 10 million tons per year for the TITR's capacity, aiming for this to be achieved by 2028. Previously The Times of Central Asia reported how, during the Astana International Forum, Kazakhstan's Deputy Foreign Minister Alibek Kuantyrov highlighted Kazakhstan's perception of the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route as a cornerstone of sustainable logistics across Eurasia.

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Ukrainian Children Arrive in Uzbekistan for Rest and Recovery

Just ahead of Eid al-Adha, a group of Ukrainian children have arrived in Tashkent for a 12-day program of rest and psychological rehabilitation. The Ukrainian Embassy in Uzbekistan reported that the visit was fully organized and funded by the Uzbek government. The children, who come from war-affected regions including Kharkiv, Kherson, Mykolaiv, Zaporizhzhia, Sumy, Khmelnytskyi, Lviv, and Kyiv, received a warm welcome upon arrival at Tashkent International Airport. From there, they traveled to a mountain camp nestled in a valley near the Tien Shan range. According to the embassy, the initiative was launched at the request of the Ukrainian side and is intended to help the children recover emotionally from the ongoing trauma of air raid sirens and missile strikes. The camp offers a structured program of daily themed events, such as “National Values Day” and “Sports and Health Day,” along with creative competitions and excursions. Evenings are reserved for social gatherings. Ukrainian adults are present to supervise the children throughout their stay. Nearly all major ministries and government agencies in Uzbekistan are participating in the effort, demonstrating strong coordination and compassion. The Ukrainian Embassy emphasized that the initiative reflects Uzbekistan’s genuine interest in supporting Ukrainian children during this difficult period. The program aims not only to provide physical and emotional relief, but also to express solidarity and goodwill from the Uzbek people. Uzbekistan previously provided similar humanitarian assistance to Palestinian civilians, evacuating 100 injured women and children, along with their guardians, from Rafah for medical treatment and care. Uzbekistan’s response to Russia’s war in Ukraine has been cautious yet distinct, reflecting its careful balancing act in international diplomacy. Tashkent has refrained from openly condemning Moscow, a key economic and regional partner, but has also demonstrated a firm commitment to Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity within the framework of its foreign policy principles. Uzbekistan has supported UN General Assembly resolutions calling for an end to the conflict, signaling alignment with global norms, while urging a peaceful resolution through dialogue. Officials have consistently avoided taking sides but have voiced concerns about the war’s human cost and economic repercussions. Beyond formal diplomatic statements, Uzbekistan’s humanitarian actions have highlighted its concern for those impacted by the war. The government’s decision to host Ukrainian children for rehabilitation reflects its broader efforts to provide tangible support to civilians in crisis zones.

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Opinion: Strengthening the Silk Bonds — India’s Renewed Push Towards Central Asia

The velvet-draped tables of New Delhi’s 4th India-Central Asia Dialogue convened under the stewardship of External Affairs Minister Dr. S. Jaishankar on June 6, 2025, radiated congeniality, with history and strategy converging. This high-level engagement, attended by foreign ministers from Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, marked more than a diplomatic ritual — it signaled India's deepening resolve to recalibrate its strategic posture in a region too long shaped by other powers. Yet beneath pledges of shared civilizational futures and energy corridors, an uncomfortable truth lingered as India remains a guest, not a player, in Central Asia’s great power theatre. Further, India’s internal socio-political landscape presents notable challenges that inadvertently shape its foreign policy credibility, particularly in the eyes of Central Asian nations. Persistent communal tensions — most visibly manifested in the Hindu-Muslim divide, the controversial demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1992, and the politically charged construction of the Ram Mandir — have deepened perceptions of religious polarization. Such domestic developments, while largely internal, resonate beyond India’s borders, especially in the Muslim-majority Central Asian republics, raising concerns about inclusivity and pluralism in India’s governance model. Simultaneously, India’s strained relations with key neighbors — Pakistan, and China, and increasingly volatile dynamics with Nepal, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka — have reinforced a regional image of discord and inconsistency. These internal and regional complexities contribute to a trust deficit, making Central Asian countries cautious in placing long-term strategic confidence in India. For New Delhi to emerge as a dependable partner in the region, addressing internal fissures and presenting a coherent, inclusive national vision is as vital as economic or diplomatic outreach. Central Asia sits at the center of ancient trade routes and modern geopolitical competition. For India, its importance is twofold: the region is a bridge to Eurasia and a repository of energy resources critical to India’s growing economy. But India’s historical connectivity to Central Asia — through the Silk Road, shared cultural legacies, and spiritual exchanges — has, for decades, been overshadowed by geographic and political barriers, notably the lack of direct overland access due to Pakistan. Recognizing these constraints, the dialogue showcased a strategic pivot. India reaffirmed its commitment to enhancing regional connectivity through the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) and the Chabahar Port in Iran. While geopolitical instability in Iran and Afghanistan poses challenges, India's emphasis on multimodal routes demonstrates pragmatic flexibility. In an era defined by supply chain resilience and multipolar geopolitics, connectivity is no longer just an infrastructure question — it is a currency of influence. The dialogue also addressed the evolving regional security architecture. India’s proposal for counter-terrorism cooperation, capacity building, and intelligence sharing was timely and necessary. However, the dialogue echoed with familiar refrains, viz. civilizational bonds, shared destiny, and multipolar cooperation. Yet beneath the diplomatic choreography lies a haunting question. Can India transcend its historical role as Central Asia’s cultural cousin to become its strategic confidant? History whispers caution. The Burden of History: From Silk Roads to Shadow Roads For centuries, the Silk Road...

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Kazakhstan’s Defense Ministry Confirms Russian Origin of Crashed Drones

Kazakhstan’s First Deputy Minister of Defense, Sultan Kamaletdinov, has confirmed that the unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) that crashed in the West Kazakhstan region earlier this year were launched from a Russian test site. Since January, four unidentified drones have been found in the region. Speaking to journalists on the sidelines of a Senate session, Kamaletdinov shared the preliminary findings from an investigation conducted by the Ministry of Defense. “More than 90% of the unmanned aerial vehicles discovered in the West Kazakhstan region were located within the boundaries of the 926th Main Flight Test Center of the Russian Federation,” he stated. “The airspace above this site is utilized by the center for UAV testing.” When asked who had launched the drones, Kamaletdinov responded directly: “The Russian Federation, which is testing its UAVs.” A String of Drone Incidents The first reported drone was found on February 18 in the village of Ualy in the Bokeiordinsky district. A second was discovered near the village of Atameken in the Taskalinsky district on March 18. At the end of March, a third UAV was located near the border with Russia, followed shortly by the crash of a fourth drone in the Zhanibek district. Russian Testing Grounds in Kazakhstan Russia leases three military test sites in Kazakhstan, including those associated with the 929th State Flight Test Center. These facilities are located in the West Kazakhstan and Atyrau regions and are tied to Russia’s V.P. Chkalov State Flight Test Center (929 GLITS VVS), a key institution for military aviation and weapons testing. The main base of the Chkalov Center is in Akhtubinsk, Astrakhan region, but its network of test ranges extends across Russia and Kazakhstan, spanning distances from 22 to 800 kilometers from Akhtubinsk. While the use of Kazakh territory for foreign military testing has long been a sensitive topic, Kamaletdinov’s comments underscore the enduring presence of Russian military operations within Kazakhstan’s borders.